[Smashpatriarchy] Stan Goff on counterpunch pornography debate

[usman x]

http://greenhouse.economics.utah.edu/pipermail/margins-to-centre/2005-February/000179.html

>From http://stangoff.com/

2/6/2005
The Porn Debate
Wrapping Profit in the Flag

There was a period of time, when I was very young and chafing in my
adolescence against all ‘authority,’ that I read the preposterous novels of
Ayn Rand and eventually embraced libertarianism. That’s one of the two
things I can find in my own experience to relate to the questions raised by
the Nina Hartley response to Chyng Sun’s Counterpunch piece two days earlier
in which Dr. Sun described pornography’s connection to male sexuality
constructed as aggression. The other dimension I can relate to is
pornography itself, which – along with prostitution – has been a perennial
facet of the military culture where I spent most of my adult life.

Now there is a digital market distribution of pornography, which has blended
prostitution with pornography in the capitalist drive to further commodify
sex. That makes it easy for me, right now, to Google-search “porn,” get
about a million pop-ups, and check the validity of Hartley’s contention
that:

”None of the diversity of our vibrant, raucous and contentious creative
culture seems to have attracted Professor Sun’s notice. By focusing on one
or two examples she finds particularly heinous, she obscures the broader
truth, which is that the marketplace of sexual entertainment contains
products for almost every taste and orientation, including material made by
and for heterosexual women and couples, lesbians and gay men. It’s not all
Bang Bus, and by no means does all of it, or even most of it, conform to the
author’s notions of porn-as-expression-of-misogyny.”

Actually, in the words of my great grandmother, an earthy Oklahoma Cherokee
who would know, “That’s horseshit.”

Anyone who doesn’t believe me can bring up Google and have a look. I find a
porn review site called “Pornliving” there, in which there is a menu of
pornographic categories, which lists Amateur (which closer inspection
reveals is not exactly true, since these are capitalist ventures), Anal,
Asian, Big Tits, Black Girls, Black on White, Blow Jobs, Celebrity, Fetish,
Gothic, Hardcore, Latina, Lesbian (in which none of the shaven, siliconed
women featured bear the least resemblance to the lesbians I know), Live,
Mature, Multiple Models, Pantyhose, Pornstar, Single Model, Soft Core,
Teens, Video. In case the blatant racist-sexism of some of these categories
or the dehumanization and objectification of women as body parts fails to
even bump one’s outrage meter, a peek inside any one of the many sites
listed typically describes key forms of sexual action (which is the
commodity) – like ejaculating in women’s faces, stretching their anuses with
various and often damaging forms of penetration, and gagging them during
fellatio – and the vast majority of these sites refer to women in terms like
cum-hungry slut, nasty little bitch, etc.

Ms. Hartley’s contention that this is an aberration within a much more
benign industry is patently untrue. If she wants to defend it using the
First Amendment, she should at least be honest enough to describe this
industry accurately. The overwhelming majority of pornography consumers are
men. They seek out specific content that arouses them in order to jack off.
They are motivated by constructions of sexuality for which they have been
socialized. Dominant constructions of sexuality associate masculinity with
both misogyny and aggression. Period. The desire to ejaculate in a woman’s
face, who you see as a ‘cum-hungry slut,’ is not innate.

The ubiquitous nature of internet commodified prostitution and pornography
has only served to reinforce the notion of sexuality as an abstraction and
to hide the concrete reality of sexual degradation and slavery. The reality
of the world’s third most lucrative industry (right after weapons and drugs)
is that it is a daily social catastrophe among millions of women
 as well as
millions of children, where in the real world beyond the white American
comforts of so-called sex-radicals, these women and children have been
thrown off the land and into various forms of sexual slavery. The sex
libertarians of the porn industry won’t mention this, even though a
significant number of the women featured in much of this new porn are
precisely these refugees from global destabilization and poverty.



When Dr. Sun and others point out that this is an industry, all we hear from
Nina Hartley and her partisans are paeans to so-called ‘sex radicals,’ like
Carol Queen, who claim it is a culture. After Linda Marchiano (renamed
‘Linda Lovelace’ by her rapist-pimp husband, Chuck Traynor) went public
about how Traynor had habitually beaten her, sold her to other men, forced
her to have sex with a dog, and forced her to make porn films for his own
profit, Hartley’s pal Carol Queen referred to Marchiano dismissively as
“Linda-he-had-to-put-a-gun-to-my-head-to-make-me-fuck-that-dog-Lovelace.”
This, presumably, is the ‘sex-radical’ take on rape and battering.

Pornography and prostitution – in the material world – are overwhelmingly
not ‘choices.’ They are vast, exploitative, patriarchal-capitalist
industries, largely violent, very lucrative, controlled by women-hating men,
and destructive of the women (and children) who are victimized by them. Most
of the women who are prostituted (including those who are used to produce
pornography) are poor, disproportionately from oppressed groups, frequently
drug-addicted, the vast majority showing clear signs of post-traumatic
stress disorder, and wanting out. The majority suffered from sexual abuse as
children, and many were first ‘turned out’ as minors. Many new prostitutes
are ‘broken in’ through gang rape, and constantly abused by pimps.

These claims are based on extensive research, not the anecdotal interviews
with industry spokespersons suggested to Chyng Sun by Nina Hartley. The
anthology, Not For Sale – Feminist Resisting Prostitution and Pornography,
edited by Christine Stark and Rebecca Whisnant, cites this research
extensively, for anyone who is interested in actually studying this
predatory industry.

The ‘bad girl’ image coveted by ‘sex radicals’ is a pure exercise of class
and national privilege that intentionally ignores how they provide cover for
this industry and the dangerous, sometimes deadly, realities behind it.
Their ‘choices’ always trump the reality of those trapped in prostitution
and pornography, and their solution is not to attack the industry, but to
call those enslaved within it ‘sex workers,’ and claim that what they need
are unions. Presumably, the unions could sign contracts with the pimps to
limit the ‘break-in-by-gang-rape’ periods.

In the sex radical analysis, there are good girls and bad girls. The good
girls are those – whether heterosexual, lesbian, or bisexual – who engage in
‘vanilla’ (that is, non-commercial and non-sadomasochistic) sex. The bad
girls are whores, women who use pornography, women who sexualize children,
and women who buy prostituted women: ‘Whores, sluts, and dykes are bad
girls, bad because we are sexually deviant’ (Queen, 1997). Sex Radicals
define prostitution as a sexuality and then link that to homosexuality, the
sexual use of children by adults, and sadomasochism, calling them ‘sexual
outlaws’. They claim to be censored and discriminated against, not by pimps,
tricks, wife beaters, racists, corporations, and daddy rapists, but by
feminists fighting sexual violence, racism, and poverty. The sex radicals’
‘good girl-bad girl’ analysis is nothing new or radical; it merely
reproduces the conservative patriarchal dichotomy between madonna and whore.
Sex radicals simply reverse the valuation attached to the two sides: here
bad girls are to be celebrated for their rebellion and audacity, while good
girls are scorned and mocked as boring, repressed, and obedient
 Queen and
other sex radicals have a rebellious, adolescent-style reaction to sex: what
they perceive as being ‘different’ or rebellious is good, period. What sex
radicals lack in thoughtfulness and feminist analysis they make up for by
appealing to emotion. They channel women’s valid anger and desire to rebel
against patriarchy into their political camp by misrepresenting the term sex
radical. True sex radicalism would mean recognizing structures of inequality
and oppression, working toward egalitarian relationships, and aligning with
those who do not have social or political power – such as women and children
hurt in pornography and prostitution
(Christine Stark, Stark & Whisnant ed.,
pp. 278-291)

The claim by ‘sex radicals’ – repeated by Hartley in her piece – that
anti-pornography feminists (usually radical feminists, whose analysis of
gender as a system of power is the most advanced) are either Victorian or
opposed to the women who are engaged in prostitution and pornography is not
only specious, it is a deliberate misrepresentation designed to interdict
further study of the work these women have done.

Everyone I have ever engaged in a debate about Andrea Dworkin or Catharine
MacKinnon, the nemeses of ‘Third Wave’ faux-feminists – and there has
thusfar been not a single exception – has consistently attributed arguments
to them that they had not made, and proven incapable of articulating exactly
what either of them has said about pornography. These proponents of ‘sex
radicalism’ that merely flip the patriarchal script, and who justify our own
use of pornography or prostitution or both, and people who have never
studied what radical feminists have written ingest these red herring and
straw man critiques coming from the likes of Queen, Suzie Bright, Nina
Hartley, and others.

Much of feminist theory and activism against pornography and prostitution
has been and continues to be developed by formerly prostituted women, who
are not judging or otherwise maligning prostituted people, but rather
exposing pimps and rapists, he sex industry as an institution of male
violence and racial and economic privilege
 One of the ways sex radical
women misrepresent feminist work against pornography and prostitution is by
claiming that feminists are in bed with conservative religious groups. This
accusation is false
 (Stark, Stark & Whisnant, p. 278-291)

Under sex radicalism, the pornography and prostitution industry disappears
along with class-based political analysis of sexism, racism, heterosexism

leaving a few, select, privileged women to write about how they can ‘choose’
to oppress or be oppressed. Sex radicalism turns away from feminism,
embracing a captor/captive mentality as revolutionary. No matter how many
cute ways one spells ‘boys’, celebrating the objectification of women is
dehumanizing and reactionary, whether it’s men or women doing the
objectifying. (Stark , Stark & Whisnant, p. 290)

This ‘sex radicalism’ beckons to Joy James’ critique of postmodern
‘radicalism’ generally, what she called ‘neo-radicalism,’ that absolves
itself of any responsibility to mount a politics of resistance to actual
social systems where material power is exercised – in gender, by men over
women – by embracing individual ‘empowerment,’ which is one of the
touchstones of consumer ideology.

Annie Sprinkle can indulge her adolescent rebelliousness by pissing on
camera, and this takes the place of solidarity with the thousands of other
women who end up in prostitution through years of systematic abuse. Hartley
would have us believe that the pornography-prostitution industry is simply a
“vibrant, raucous and contentious creative culture.” This is disingenuous in
the extreme. As Grandma Isom would say, “Culture, my ass.”

Capitalist patriarchy is a system. Neither Hartley nor any of her partisans
want to talk about this (gasp!) ‘Second Wave’ feminist preoccupation.
Capitalist patriarchy, as a world system, incorporates the colonization of
women at its very base. The exploitation of millions of desperately poor
women around the world by this industry is a direct expression of women’s
systemic subjugation. This makes it doubly offensive that Hartley
characterizes this whitewashing of the industry’s true nature as class
struggle
 porn is a good way for working class women to get out of dead-end
jobs.

The process of cultural polarization, without a critique of capitalist
patriarchy itself, accounts for the inability of many putative feminists –
calling themselves ‘sex positive’ – to understand the critiques that radical
and left feminists continue to make of pornography and prostitution. Even
the use of a term like ‘sex-positive’ is demagogic, implying that those of
us who expose the real nature of these misogynist-capitalist industries are
somehow
 sex-negative. Note how this construction decontextualizes sex from
social systems altogether.

The conservative patriarchal reaction against women’s sexual agency has
actually contributed to liberal feminists’ abstraction of pornography and
prostitution into expressions of women’s ‘freedom to choose.’ Of course,
there is a good deal of political cross-dressing involved in propagating
this argument, and Hartley’s Free Speech Coalition is a perfect example. It
is a front group for the porn industry – which is concerned with its
profits – that finds itself at loggerheads with right-wing Christians like
John Ashcroft on one front, and that paints left critics of porn – who point
out its misogynist content – as partisans of the Christian Right.

This is, of course, a red herring of record proportions. I myself have stood
alongside these same rock-ribbed Baptist zealots to oppose a state lottery.
Their opposition to the lottery was based on their general opposition to
gambling, while we opposed it because it was a highly regressive tax with a
shitty record in ‘supporting education.’ The ‘lottery for education’
campaign, cooked up by the gaming industry, was pushed by its own ‘freedom
of choice’ front groups.

“We’re not for using the state to shake down people for immense profits,
exploiting their desperation and false hope while encouraging a destructive
compulsive disorder,” the gaming industry suggested (through Astroturf
groups like the Free Speech Coalition). “We’re for harmless fun
 and
schools.”

In the same way, the pornography industry – which thrives on misogynistic
social constructions of sexuality (no, Nina, sexuality is not just a matter
of ahistorical “taste and temperament” – says, “We are just protecting your
right to free speech.”

Meanwhile, the money is being made – lots of it – and a façade has to be
constructed to conceal the reality of commodified sex, which for the
enormous majority of its ‘workers’ is a relentless nightmare of violent
exploitation.

It is not at all surprising that Hartley frames her argument as a
commercial: “The marketplace of sexual entertainment contains products for
almost every taste and orientation.”

The ideology is libertarianism
 the neoliberal lodestar
 the fallacy that
‘freedom’ can only be defined as an attribute of individuals, and then only
ahistorically. It is based on the abstraction that a poor Black woman in a
hopeless ghetto or a 14-year-old peasant girl decanted into Bangkok by land
enclosure have the same ‘choices’ as Suzie Bright or Carol Queen or Nina
Hartley.

Reinforcing this American ideology, and by extension, the myopia about
pornography and prostitution, is the position of the United States in the
world system. Our collective job in the international division of labor is
to consume – to buy, buy, buy, and shop, shop, shop. This gives rise to an
idea reflected from that practice, that life itself is a series of
individual selections, of shopping choices, of lifestyles. This is
consumerism.

“The marketplace of sexual entertainment contains products for almost every
taste and orientation.”

Consumerism is itself an ideological product and an industry; it can be
credibly defined as consumer-demand-production driven by the imperative to
extend commodification into every available dimension of our lives.

High-speed, lightweight digital information/communication technology has
also become a crucial technology for creating expanded consumer demand.
Anyone really interested in ending the oppression of the world’s women needs
to examine demand creation as not only characteristic of late capitalism,
but how it determines new forms of sexual commodification – and what impact
that is having on the millions of women around the world who will
potentially end up listed at Pornliving at ‘hot, cum-slurping Asians’ or
‘horny Russian sluts.’

The eroticized degradation of women – cum-hungry teen sluts – brought into
the privacy of your own home.

Internet pornography is a mass marketed form of prostitution, now
state-protected as ‘speech,’ and however it gets spun by Larry Flynt or Nina
Hartley, it still constitutes a huge setback for women who were struggling
in an earlier milieu for a toehold on social power. Here is the cul-de-sac
of libertarianism and the international system on display together.

D. A. Clark, in her essay “Prostitution for anyone: Feminism, globalization,
and the ‘sex’ industry” writes:

The essential issues which traditionally inspired feminists to challenge and
criticize the sex industry have not changed despite decades of effort. It
has been remarkably difficult for feminists to make any progress on these
issues. It is very difficult to get these issues taken seriously. Obviously
one reason for that is that feminist activity has not changed the
fundamentals of social power. Men still control decisive power blocs such as
the armed forces, the higher levels of government, big business and media –
and the ‘sex industry’ is a service industry for men. (Clarke, Stark &
Whisnant, p. 152)

Decisively, (capitalist) men control the state. The liberal state. That very
same one before which the masses genuflect while reverently whispering the
worlds, ‘our founding fathers,’ and ‘the Constitution.’

But while no one reading this wants John Ashcroft, or his successor Alberto
“de Sade” Gonzales, reading our emails, or spending public money to put
linen drapes over the breasts of statues, or intruding into our bedrooms, we
still need to be able to criticize the misogynist, slave-whipping, rapist
founding fathers. And we need to talk about what the Constitution does and
does not do. Because it sure gets hauled out into view every time privilege
is endangered.

Let’s not forget that the First Amendment also protects the rights of giant
corporations and brokerage houses to control the entire electoral process by
calling campaign spending ‘protected speech.’ In this way, the First
Amendment privileges the prerogatives of the rich minority while it
undermines the popular sovereignty of the entire nation. In the very same
way, the First Amendment as it is deployed by the pornography industry to
give the cover of ‘rights’ to an abstract individual to protect the
prerogatives of a concrete and collectively exploitative, misogynistic, and
frequently violent global enterprise.

That’s how the liberal state works. It always abstracts an individual out of
history in order to background the real history, and thereby protects power
that existed socially, prior to the law, from any form of state intrusion.
Those founding fathers were smart slaveholders and Indian-killers and
wife-beaters, and they understood perfectly well what they were doing. They
were inoculating existing systems of domination from forceful intervention,
and making it look like they were doing the rest of us a favor. The very
idea of a right of privacy was originally used to protect men’s right to
batter their wives.

This disappearance of history is how whites can sue African Americans for
‘reverse racism,’ how California can call an anti-immigrant law a ‘civil
rights initiative,’ and Nina Hartley can get away with calling herself,
along with Camille Paglia and Katie Rophie and all their ilk, ‘feminist.’
Subtract the history, and the whole issue becomes an academic abstraction,
infinitely malleable and permeable to the most outrageous political
counterfeiting.

In an interview, Carol Smith, a survivor of pornography, contrary to the
abstract libertarian version of pornography, explained how she was sexually
abused as a small child, chemically dependent and severely affectively
disordered by age ten, and cajoled into pornography at 19 by leveraging her
drug dependency. She reports that this is actually the most common
trajectory for porn ‘models’ and prostitutes
 there is no Pretty Woman.
Exactly when was she was capable of ‘consenting’ by libertarian standards?
Perhaps at the age of eight when she was first sexually abused? This is
certainly a real question in the real world. Her story – which includes her
escape from pornography – is not typical. It’s not typical because many do
not survive, and most remain addicted.

In her interview, she pointed out that her pornographic videotapes are still
being marketed and displayed on the internet, even though she has tried to
take legal action to stop them. This has had a tremendously damaging effect
on her and her family, but the courts have sided with the
pimp-pornographers, based on a contract she signed years ago – a contract
signed by an addicted, affectively disordered, young woman, financially
dependent on her pimp-pornographer, in a society characterized by male
supremacy. This is how consent is defined using the libertarian fallacy in
the male capitalist state. Her images, being sexually degraded under the
influence of drugs, which have been shown by others to her children, are a
pimp’s property.

Libertarianism has always been about one thing at its core – property.

Not only is pornography a service industry, as Clarke stated – a
masturbation aid – it is, as radical feminists have long argued, a form of
hate speech. Pornography is anti-woman propaganda. It is tantamount to
placing pictures of hangman’s nooses in workplaces with Black employees.
State protection of pornography (including pornography that is actually
digitally distributed prostitution) is state protection of misogynist hate
speech.

Hartley can slander me just as vigorously as she slandered Dr. Sun, when she
claimed that Sun was “defaming males” and that Sun was sharing positions
with the evangelical prudes. Sun did not advocate that anyone “erase all
forms of sexual choice.” That was Hartley putting words in her mouth –
making a straw man of her in order to tear her up. Neither am I calling for
erasing sexual choice. I haven’t even called for legislation to stop
pornography (mainly because I doubt it would work, given the depth of male
misogyny inscribed on dominant constructions of sexuality). Hartley wants to
make this debate about ‘rights,’ to decoy people off what we are saying
about this industry – one that she serves now as a lobbyist. I haven’t
called for stopping the Klan marches either (another libertarian fave – I’ll
stick with rocks and bottles for the Klan.) The lion’s share of this stuff
called porn is hate speech, whether you want to make an abstract libertarian
defense of it or not.

Imagine if you will, a billboard along an American highway with the
caricatured image of a grinning, bug-eyed Black kid in tattered coveralls
grinning over a slice of watermelon. Clearly, this would generate an outcry
that would result in its removal almost immediately. Yet we can see
billboards everywhere that show shaven infantilized (male sexuality is
constructed in many ways as pedophilic), hyper-sexualized women, yet there
is not only no outcry – there seems to be little discussion of what those
images do to our daughters, sisters, partners, mothers, grandmothers, aunts,
and friends. That’s how deep patriarchy is.

I would also note that it is also culturally ‘okay’ right now to display
grotesque stereotypes of Arabs, since the United States government is
involved in an active project of killing them by the hundreds of thousands.

Dr. Chyng Sun hit the nail on the head in her fifth paragraph:

“The pornographers want to derail any criticism of the often blatant
misogyny of their product and are willing to wrap themselves in political
principles to do that.”

* * *

Stan Goff is the author of Hideous Dream – A Soldier’s Memoir of the US
Invasion of Haiti (Soft Skull Press, 2000) and Full Spectrum Disorder – The
Military in the New American Century (Soft Skull Press, 2004). His next
book, Sex & War, is about gender and the imperial military (due out at the
end of 2005). He is retired from the United States Army, and a member of
Veterans for Peace and Military Families Speak Out. He is also on the
coordinating committee of the Bring Them Home Now campaign,
http://www.bringthemhomenow.org/. His series on military issues, “Military
Matters,” appears at http://www.freedomroad.org/home.html.


-- 
"Until all of us are free, the few who think they are remain tainted
with enslavement." Lee Maracle
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