[news] [NBPP-National] The New American Apartheid Part III: Jailing Minority Kids

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http://victoria.indymedia.org/news/2004/06/27299.php

The New American Apartheid

<mailto:montfu65 at hotmail.com>

    Modern prisoners occupy the lowest rungs on the social class ladder,
    and they always have. The modern prison system (along with local
    jails) is a collection of ghettos or poorhouses reserved primarily
    for the unskilled, the uneducated, and the powerless. In increasing
    numbers this system is being reserved for racial minorities,
    especially blacks, which is why we are calling it the New American
    Apartheid. 

The New American Apartheid
Part I
by Randall Shelden and William B. Brown; http://www.sheldensays.com; 
June 22, 2004

Modern prisoners occupy the lowest rungs on the social class ladder, and 
they always have. The modern prison system (along with local jails) is a 
collection of ghettos or poorhouses reserved primarily for the 
unskilled, the uneducated, and the powerless. In increasing numbers this 
system is being reserved for racial minorities, especially blacks, which 
is why we are calling it the New American Apartheid. This is the same 
segment of American society that has experienced some of the most 
drastic reductions in income and they have been targeted for their 
involvement in drugs and the subsequent violence that extends from the 
lack of legitimate means of goal attainment.

An argument could certainly be made that blacks, especially males, are 
superfluous and expendable in American society (that is, they are not 
direct contributors to corporate profits). With constant corporate 
downsizing and deindustrialization during the past couple of decades 
came the elimination of millions of jobs that previously helped 
minorities to get out of poverty. Specific social control apparatuses 
have been deemed necessary to control human frustrations in the 
aftermath of diminished opportunities. The criminal justice system has 
been selected as the primary apparatus to apply social control 
mechanisms on the unskilled, the uneducated, the powerless and ethnic 
minorities.

While residential segregation continues unabated, policies which reek of 
apartheid have risen along side of it. It is apparent that the criminal 
justice system has been engaged in a systematic attack on blacks and 
that going to jail or prison has become a common event in the lives of 
millions of racial minorities. The modern penal system accommodates the 
"new American apartheid."

The most recent imprisonment data reaffirm this. At the end of 2002, 
blacks constituted 45.1 percent of the total prison population (with an 
incarceration rate more than seven times greater than whites); Latinos 
constituted 18 percent and whites only 34 percent. In other words, 
racial minorities made up two-thirds of the entire prison population. 
This in direct contrast to what it was in the 1930s, when whites were 
overwhelmingly the numerical majority of all prisoners, constituting 
around 70 percent of the prison population.

Racial differences are also evident in jail incarceration rates. Blacks 
have consistently been found in jail at a rate of at least five times 
greater than whites during the past couple of decades. In 2002, the jail 
incarceration rate for blacks was 740, compared to only 147 for whites 
and 256 for Latinos.

It is obvious from the examination of arrest and prison data that the 
groups being targeted by the criminal justice system are 
disproportionately drawn from the most marginalized populations. Blacks, 
particularly males, are especially vulnerable. For example, in 1995, 
according the Sentencing Project in Washington, D.C., about one-third of 
all black males between the ages of 20 and 29 were, on any given day, 
either in jail, prison, on probation or on parole, a percentage that was 
up from 25 percent 1990. In some cities these percentages were even 
higher, such as Washington, D.C., where the figure was about 60 percent. 
For comparison purposes, data from the early 1990s revealed that black 
males were far more likely to be in prison or jail than in college! In 
California, in the early 1990s, blacks were imprisoned at a rate of 
1,951 per 100,000, compared to only 215 for whites. (More recent figures 
are not available for this age group, but see the discussion about 
lifetime chances of going to prison, in Part II of this series.)

Recent studies further elaborate on the negative impact of crime control 
policies on the black population. For example a study by sociologist 
Bruce Western and his colleagues examined the relationship between 
imprisonment (both jail and prison) and education and employment. 
Between 1980 and 1999, the percentage of white males from 18 to 65 going 
to prison or jail increased by less than one percent (from 0.4 to 1.0); 
for black men the percentage went up by 4.4 percent (from 3.1 to 7.5%). 
For young adult males (ages 22-30), the percentage in jail or prison 
went up by .9 percent for whites (from .7 to 1.6%), but increased by 6.2 
percent for blacks (from 5.5 to 11.7%). When considering young adult 
males who dropped out of high school, the percentage going to prison or 
jail went from 3.1 to 10.3 among whites (up 7.2%), but went from 14 to 
41.2 percent among blacks (an increase of 27.2%). In other words, a 
little over four out of every ten black high school dropouts ended up in 
jail or prison. (The reasons are many, but one is that many young blacks 
and Latinos are introduced to the juvenile justice system via detention 
at an early age. More about this in Part III of this series.)

Moreover, among men born between 1965 and 1969, 22.3 percent of all 
black men but only 3.2 of all white men had prison records by 1999. 
Among high school dropouts, these percentages increased to 12.6 and 32.1 
respectively. Among those with either a high school diploma or a GED, 
only 4.3 percent of white men and 23.5 percent of black men ended up in 
prison. For those who had at least some college, these percentages 
dropped substantially: only 1.1 percent of white males and 8.6 percent 
of black males had prison records by 1999. While education has an 
obvious impact, the black-white differences remain high.

This same study also found that when tabulating the official 
unemployment figures, the government fails to include prisoners 
(curiously, the census bureau adds prisoners to many small towns around 
the country and the poverty status of such prisoners are added to the 
overall poverty rate for these same towns, resulting in qualifying for 
additional federal funding). Western's study also compared the 
employment situation for those in and those not in prison. Not 
surprisingly, when they included the imprisoned population the numbers 
changed dramatically for black males. For instance, in 1999, one-third 
of the black male population was unemployed (compared to 16% of the 
white males). Among high school dropouts between 22 and 30, these 
percentages changed dramatically: an astounding 70 percent of black 
males were unemployed (counting those in prison or jail), compared to 27 
percent of white males.

Having a criminal record, especially a prison record, has always been a 
barrier to seeking re-entry into society. In recent years it has become 
even worse, with many new laws passed in the past decade resulting in, 
among other negative impacts, the denial of public housing, welfare 
benefits, and the ability to obtain an education. Such laws impact 
millions, for according to recent estimates; about 13 million Americans 
are either serving time for a felony conviction or have been convicted 
of a felony sometime in the past. Moreover, a total of about 47 millions 
(one-fourth of the adult population) have some kind of criminal record 
on file with a federal or state criminal justice agency.

Criminologist Jeremy Travis likens this to a form of "internal exile," 
the domestic equivalent to those convicts exiled in to the American 
colonies (and Australia too) during the 17th and 18th centuries. 
However, in these two cases they faced few barriers to participating in 
colonial life once they had served their sentence. This has become, in 
Travis' words, a form of "social exclusion." Such exclusions have 
further put a distance between "them" and "us" and, moreover, Travis 
notes that:

"The principal new form of social exclusion has been to deny offenders 
the benefits of the welfare state. And the principal new player in this 
new drama has been the United States Congress. In an era of welfare 
reform, when Congress dismantled the six-decades-old entitlement to a 
safety net for the poor, the poor with criminal histories were thought 
less deserving than others....there was little hesitation in using 
federal benefits to enhance punishments or federal funds to encourage 
new criminal sanctions by the states."

The ex-offenders that feel the heaviest brunt of this exclusion are 
racial minorities. Another criminologist, Todd Clear, has pointed out 
that in many urban, poverty-stricken neighborhoods as many as one-fourth 
of the adult male residents is either in prison or in jail at some time 
during the year.

Part of the methods of controlling the surplus population is through 
legislation, which defines what a "crime" is and, moreover, through 
sentencing structures, defines what crimes are "serious." Many 
sentencing structures have a built-in class and racial bias. This is 
especially the case with drug laws, which have always targeted mainly 
the drugs used by minorities and the poor throughout history.

The New American Apartheid

Apartheid is a policy that produces systematic racial segregation or 
discrimination and is usually associated with pre-Mandela South Africa. 
The word apartheid was introduced to the world by South Africa in 1948. 
This term stems from the Dutch Aapart (which has the same English 
connotation), and "heid" (which translates as hood). The term was 
adopted to soften the image of the harsh racial segregation polices 
practiced by the South African government. World attention had focused 
on South Africa's segregation practices, and it was thought that through 
the substitution of the word apartheid for segregation, world attention 
would be diverted from their discriminatory practices. Soon after the 
adoption of that term, however, the world realized that nothing had 
actually changed in respect to the treatment of blacks in South Africa.

There seems to be a pattern of contradictions by the United States 
concerning what is professed to be policy direction and what is actually 
supported by the U.S. government. America has always been a country that 
professes to place high value on children. However, in 1989, the United 
States refused to support G.A. Resolution 44/25, which was a product of 
the Convention on the Rights of the Child. This resolution was for the 
adoption of basic rights of children, such as the right to life. As 
further evidence that the United States tends to differentiate between 
its public posture and its global voting record, the United States 
claims to be in favor of policing international criminals. Yet America 
refused to ratify the United Nations' recent attempt to create an 
International Criminal Court in Rome. In fact, prior to the call for 
votes, the United States requested a non-recorded vote on the matter of 
adopting the Statute establishing an International Criminal Court. More 
specifically, speaking to the issue of apartheid, in 1973, The 
International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime 
of Apartheid debated the issue of apartheid as a crime against humanity, 
and therefore argued that apartheid should be treated as a crime against 
humanityBan international crime. To date, the United States has not yet 
ratified this resolution.

American apartheid is alive and well, as racial segregation remains a 
common characteristic of virtually every of American city. Central 
cities now contain 80 percent of the urban non-white population, and 
one-third of the black urban population resides in the nation's ten 
largest central cities. There have been symbolic attempts to reduce 
racial segregation in American cities. We use the term "symbolic" 
because these attempts have often been either politicized and skewed to 
serve the interests of the elite or these attempts have been grossly 
under-funded to insure their failure.

To illustrate, the Housing Acts of 1949, 1954, and 1965, provided 
federal funding to local authorities to acquire slum property and begin 
redevelopment of that property. In order to qualify for federal funds, 
local governments had to insure that affordable living accommodation 
would be provided for displaced families living in the redevelopment 
zones. The process used was commonly known as urban renewal, and 
sometimes referred to as "negro removal." The solution was high-density 
public housing. Today, these public housing projects are often referred 
to as the "projects." Raising slum areas and the construction of public 
housing often resulted in an overall reduction in living accommodations. 
In a study of black youth gangs in Detroit, it was noted that for that 
city there was a net loss of 31,500 homes between 1980 and 1987. Today, 
many blacks find themselves once again involved in a "negro removal" 
program - but rather than removed from one inner city slum area to a 
more high-density slum area, they find themselves removed from the inner 
cities entirely, and compartmentalized in America's prison industry.

Most of the racial differences noted above, and also the dramatic rise 
in overall incarceration rates, can be explained by the "war on drugs," 
which was escalated during the mid-1980s, just about the time that the 
prison population started its rapid rise.

Part II explores this topic.

http://www.zmag.org/content/print_article.cfm?itemID=5757&sectionID=10 
<http://www.zmag.org/content/print_article.cfm?itemID=5757&sectionID=10>

Randall G. Shelden and William B. Brown are Professors of Criminal 
Justice at the University of Nevada-Las Vegas and Western Oregon 
University respectively. They have written several books on crime and 
criminal justice. This essay is part of a forthcoming book on the prison 
industrial complex. Shelden may be contacted via his web site: 
http://www.sheldensays.com. A more detailed version of this series, 
including references and footnotes, can be found on this web site.

http:www.zmag.org/content/print_article.cfm?itemID=5758&sectionID=43 
<http://www.zmag.org/content/print_article.cfm?itemID=5758&sectionID=43>


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