[IPSM] No One Is Illegal-Montreal Newswire/Bulletin de Nouvelles (March 20, 2006)
No One is Illegal Montreal
noii-montreal at resist.ca
Mon Mar 20 01:01:48 PST 2006
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NO ONE IS ILLEGAL-MONTREAL NEWS AND EVENTS DIGEST
BULLETIN DE NOUVELLES ET D'ÉVÉNEMENTS DE PERSONNE N'EST ILLÉGAL
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MARCH 20, 2006 -- LE 20 MARS 2006 (1.5)
1) Statement by Amir Hodhod: The story of an upcoming
deportation/Déclaration d'Amir Hodhod: L'histoire d'une déportation
imminente
2) South Asian Women Refugees in Montreal: Exposing the Trail of
Exploitation, There and Here (Refugee Research Project-Montreal)
3) Sogi Bachan Singh: Detention Review Hearing/Révision de détention
::::: ACTION :::::
4) Secret Trials Cases at the Supreme Court of Canada: Get Involved!
5) Call to Action: To Prevent Military and Police Incursion on Mohawk
Territories
::::: NEWS/NOUVELLES :::::
6) (Reuters) Les habitants de Gaza bientôt à court de pain
7) (L'Express) La Mauritanie et l'Espagne coopèrent pour endiguer le
flot d'immigrés
8) (La Presse) Assurance maladie pour les immigrants: L'abolition du
délai de carence réclamée
9) (Le Droit) La demande d'immigration des Van Hauve est envoyée
10) (Kingston Whig-Standard) Dozens protest Gitmo North
11) (NUPGE) Canada's 'Guantanamo North' prison to open by end of March
12) (Montreal Gazette) Hospital bill a nightmare: Immigrants can't use
free health care for three months after arrival in Quebec
13) (NB Telegraph-Journal) N.B. man on hunger strike to prevent
deportation to Iran
14) (National Post) Fraser Institute immigration report worth ignoring
15) (Immigration News Briefs) "Operation Avalanche": 60 Arrested in Boston
Raids
16) (aljazeera.net) Gaza faces food shortage, says UN
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The No One Is Illegal News and Events Digest is a bilingual (English
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the No One Is Illegal collective in Montreal. To subscribe or
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Le bulletin de nouvelles et d'événements de Persone n'est illégal
rassemble une sélection hebdomadaire et bilingue (anglais - français)
de nouvelles, analyses et événements compilée par le collectif
Personne n'est illégal - Montréal. Pour vous abonner (ou vous
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contribuer au bulletin, contactez-nous par courriel: nooneisillegal at gmail.com
-----
(((((1)))))
(français ci-dessous)
[Amir Hodhod, an Egyptian political dissident and active member of the
Montreal community for 3 years, is facing deportation on April 5,
2006. We are calling on you to support him in his fight to remain in
Canada by contacting officials to demand an immediate stay of
deportation and that he be granted status in Canada. For more
information about how you can help, please e-mail
sansfrontieres at resist.ca]
STATEMENT BY AMIR HODHOD: THE STORY OF AN UPCOMING DEPORTATION
My name is Amir Hodhod and I am 42 years old. I was born in the city
of Mansoura on the banks of the Nile River in Egypt. My family is a
member of the Coptic Christian minority, and I have one younger
brother and one younger sister. I graduated as a pharmacist in 1990
from Mansoura University and moved to Cairo where I studied
philosophy. Before I fled Egypt I was a writer, and I published
articles in various secular, progressive and dissident magazines.
I left Egypt in 1999 because I was under threat from both the
government and from religious fundamentalists due to my articles and
my political activities. I fled initially to the United States, where
I lived and worked illegally in New York City. I came to Montreal in
2003, fleeing the racist situation I was experiencing and witnessing
in the aftermath of the 9-11 attacks.
On April 6, 2006 -- in less than three weeks -- I am scheduled to be
deported to the United States. If I am removed to the United States,
it is almost certain that I will be detained and returned to Egypt.
Currently, Immigration Canada offers me only two options: deportation
to the United States (and almost certain detention); or my "voluntary"
return to Egypt, where I fear persecution due to my political beliefs
and activities.
I feel it is important to make clear -- to my friends and supporters,
and to the media and general population -- some of the important
issues involved as I confront the difficult choices I must make in the
coming days and weeks.
I was a political activist in Egypt -- for leftist and secular
movements -- and those activities continued actively and publicly in
Montreal, especially in the past several months. Recently, I have
written and spoken against the repression in Egypt during the recent
elections, and the government massacre of Sudanese refugees in Cairo
this past December 2005.
Because of my very public political activities, including writings in
Arabic for various progressive websites, I have reason to fear that I
will be persecuted and detained in Egypt.
The human rights situation in Egypt is essentially ignored in the
Canadian media, but the Egyptian regime -- which is supported
financially and militarily by the West -- is one of the most brutal in
the world. In Egypt there are thousands of political prisoners, open
debate and free speech is repressed, torture and ill treatment is a
normal practice by the police and authorities, death in custody is
common, and many activists are disappeared. This situation is
confirmed by various human rights reports and agencies. Anyone
familiar with Egypt is aware of the repressive nature of the Egyptian
authorities.
Right now, the political repression in Egypt is getting worse and
worse due to the recent political confrontations between the
opposition and the Mubarak regime.
I have not hesitated to speak out against injustice, both within
Egypt, and here in Canada. Because of my outspoken beliefs, I have
reason to believe that I will be targeted if I am returned to Egypt.
This is not speculation: I have a very real fear of persecution, based
on my positions as a secular, progressive leftist.
It might seem convenient for me to silently return to Egypt, and to
cease my political activity, including my writings. However, I write
this statement to make clear, to everyone, that I refuse to be
silenced, even in the face of possible removal to a brutal regime. I
insist that the truth about the situation in Egypt be exposed, and I
want to continue to expose those truths.
I ask: How is it possible for the Canadian government to even consider
deporting someone back to a brutal regime, known for torture and
ill-treatment (and if I'm sent to the USA, that means I will certainly
be sent back to Egypt, after enduring detention in US jails). I have
not been given a fair hearing by Canada's refugee system. I was never
allowed to appeal my refugee claim refusal on it merits. And now, I
have no legal avenue to provide all the documentation attesting to the
potential risk and ill treatment I face if I am deported on April 6,
2006.
I was refused recognition as a political refugee by the Canadian
government. But my writings, and my political activities -- on behalf
of secular, progressive leftist movements, and against the Egyptian
government as well as, partially, religious fundamentalists -- make it
clear that there is a high danger of facing persecution (including
detention and torture) if returned. This is the clear definition of a
political refugee, but the Canadian system provides me with no fair
way to be recognized as a political refugee.
I have lived away from Egypt for seven years -- four years in the USA,
and three years in Canada. That entire time I was a non-status person.
That means that I lived the nightmare of uncertainty, not knowing what
the future holds for me, and never being able to properly build my
life. That nightmare continues, as I face the possibility of being
returned to a country that I fled. My future right now is detention
and possible torture.
I want simply to be able to establish a regular life, to build on my
previous experiences, and to be able to contribute meaningfully to
society, including thru my writings and my political activities.
I make this statement so that I can remain true to my beliefs, and not
hide, in any way, my true feelings about the Egyptian regime --
including the thousands of political prisoners -- and the immigration
process in Canada. I have worked to raise awareness about non-status
peoples in Canada, and I feel it's important that I remain outspoken
even as I, a non-status person, confront the fate of deportation.
Amir Hodhod
March 14, 2006
MONTREAL
To stay in touch: sollman200220022003 at yahoo.com and
sansfrontieres at resist.ca or 514-848-7583
:::
[Amir Hodhod est un dissident politique égyptien et un membre actif de
la communauté montréalaise depuis maintenant trois ans. Il fait face à
une déportation imminente qui aurait lieu le 6 avril 2006. Nous vous
appelons à supporter la lutte qu'il mène pour demeurer au Canada en
contactant les fonctionnaires et en leur demandant un arrêt immédiat
des procédures de déportation ainsi que la reconnaissance de son
statut de réfugié politique au Canada. INFO: sansfrontieres at resist.ca]
DÉCLARATION D'AMIR HODHOD: L'HISTOIRE D'UNE DÉPORTATION IMMINENTE
Mon nom est Amir Hodhod et j'ai 42 ans. Je suis né dans la ville de
Mansoura, sur les berges du Nil en Égypte. Ma famille est de la
minorité chrétienne copte et j'ai un petit frère et une petite s?ur.
J'ai obtenu un diplôme de pharmacien en 1990 à l'Université de
Mansoura et je suis par la suite déménagé au Caire, où j'ai poursuivi
des études en philosophie. Avant de fuir l'Égypte, j'étais écrivain et
j'ai publié des articles dans plusieurs revues laïques, progressistes
et dissidentes.
J'ai quitté l'Égypte en 1999 parce que j'étais menacé d'une part par
le gouvernement et d'autre part par les intégristes religieux, à cause
de mes écrits et de mes activités politiques. J'ai fui d'abord vers
les États-Unis; je me suis installé à New York, où j'ai vécu et
travaillé clandestinement. Je suis arrivé à Montréal en 2003, tentant
d'échapper aux incidents racistes que j'ai subis et vus suite aux
attentats du 11 septembre 2001.
Le 6 avril 2006 ? dans moins de trois semaines ? le gouvernement doit
me déporter vers les États-Unis. Si j'y suis renvoyé, il est presque
certain que je serai détenu et ensuite expulsé vers l'Égypte.
Présentement, Immigration Canada ne m'offre que deux options: la
déportation vers les États-Unis (avec emprisonnement
quasi-automatique) ou mon retour «volontaire» en Égypte, où je crains
la persécution à cause de mes opinions et activités politiques.
Je crois devoir clarifier ? auprès de mes ami-e-s, de mes
sympathisant-e-s, des médias et de la population en général ? certains
des enjeux importants qui surviennent tandis que je fais face aux
décisions difficiles que je devrai prendre dans les jours et les
semaines à venir.
En Égypte, j'étais un militant ? impliqué dans les mouvements laïques
et de gauche. J'ai poursuivi ces activités activement et publiquement
depuis mon arrivée à Montréal, surtout au cours des derniers mois.
Récemment, j'ai dénoncé le climat de répression qui sévissait en
Égypte pendant les élections ainsi que le massacre de réfugiés
soudanais par le gouvernement égyptien qui est survenu au Caire en
décembre 2005.
À cause de mes activités politiques très publiques, incluant la
publication de textes en arabe pour divers site web progressistes,
j'ai plusieurs raisons de croire que je serai persécuté et emprisonné
si je suis renvoyé en Égypte.
La situation au niveau des droits humains en Égypte est
essentiellement ignorée par les médias canadiens, malgré que le régime
actuel, appuyé financièrement et militairement par l'Occident, soit un
des plus brutaux au monde. En Égypte, il y a des milliers de
prisonniers et prisonnières politiques, la liberté d'_expression y est
constamment bafouée, la torture et les mauvais traitements sont des
pratiques habituelles de la police et des autorités, les personnes
mortes en détention sont nombreuses et plusieurs militant-e-s
«disparaissent» de façon mystérieuse. Cette situation a été confirmée
à maintes reprises par des organismes de droits humains. Tous ceux et
celles qui connaissent un tant soit peu l'Égypte sont au courant de la
nature répressive des autorités égyptiennes.
À l'heure actuelle, la répression politique en Égypte s'empire de jour
en jour, dans le contexte des confrontations entre l'opposition et le
régime Mubarak.
Je n'ai jamais hésité à dénoncer l'injustice, en Égypte comme au
Canada. À cause de mes opinions, tout me porte à croire que je serai
ciblé si renvoyé en Égypte. Ce n'est pas de la spéculation: je crains
réellement la persécution parce que je suis un gauchiste, laïque et
progressiste.
Il pourrait sembler qu'il serait plus facile pour moi de retourner
tranquillement en Égypte et de cesser mes activités politiques,
incluant l'écriture. Je rédige toutefois cette déclaration parce que
je veux que ce soit clair, aux yeux de tous et toutes, que je refuse
d'être réduit au silence, même lorsque confronté à une déportation
possible vers un régime autocratique. J'insiste pour que la vérité au
sujet de la situation en Égypte soit dévoilée. C'est ce que je
continuerai à faire.
Je demande donc: comment est-il possible pour le gouvernement canadien
de même songer à déporter quelqu'un vers un régime brutal, connu pour
ses pratiques de torture et de sévices (et si je suis renvoyé aux
États-Unis, je serai certainement retourné ensuite en Égypte, après
avoir enduré la détention dans les prisons américaines). Le système
canadien de détermination du statut de réfugié ne m'a pas accordé une
audience juste. Je n'ai jamais pu aller en appel sur le fonds et les
mérites de ma demande de réfugié. Et maintenant, je dois continuer à
fournir toute la documentation qui atteste des risques potentiels et
des mauvais traitements que je subirai si je suis déporté le 6 avril
prochain.
On ne m'a pas reconnu en tant que réfugié politique. Mais mes écrits
et mes activités politiques ? en appui à des mouvement gauchistes,
progressistes et laïques, contre le gouvernement égyptien ainsi que
contre, partiellement, les intégristes religieux ? indiquent
clairement qu'il y a un haut risque de persécution (incluant
l'emprisonnement et la torture) en cas de renvoi. Voilà une définition
claire d'un réfugié politique. La loi canadienne, elle, ne me fournit
aucun moyen juste pour être reconnu ainsi.
Je vis à l'extérieur de l'Égypte depuis sept ans: quatre ans aux
États-Unis et trois ans au Canada. Depuis sept ans, je suis donc un
sans-statut. Cela veux dire que je vis le cauchemar de l'incertitude
au quotidien, que je ne sais pas ce que le futur me réserve et que je
suis incapable de mener mon existence comme je l'entends. Le
cauchemar continue, car je fais face à la possibilité d'être expulsé
vers un pays que j'ai fui. Mon avenir, maintenant, est la détention
et, possiblement, la torture.
Je désire simplement avoir une vie normale, de me construire sur la
base de mes expériences passées et de contribuer à la société,
notamment à travers l'écriture et à travers mes activités politiques.
J'écris cette déclaration pour que je puisse rester fidèle à mes
croyances et ne pas cacher, d'aucune façon, mes sentiments réels au
sujet du régime égyptien ? incluant les milliers de prisonniers
politiques ? et le système d'immigration canadien. J'ai travaillé pour
sensibiliser les gens à la cause des sans-statut au Canada, et je
crois qu'il est important que je continue à dénoncer les injustices,
même alors que je confronte le processus de déportation.
Amir Hodhod
14 mars 2006
MONTRÉAL
INFO: sollman200220022003 at yahoo.com et sansfrontieres at resist.ca ou
514-848-7583
-----
(((((2)))))
The Refugee Research Project -- Montreal
4-6 PM, Wednesday, March 22, 2006
The Refugee Research Project presents "South Asian
Women Refugees in Montreal: Exposing the Trail of
Exloitation, There and Here," with Dr. Shree Mulay,
director, McGill Centre for Research and Teaching on
Women. At Wilson Hall (first floor), Wendy Patrick
Room, 3506 University St. Information: (514)
962-8705
-----
(((((3)))))
(français ci-dessous)
Support needed at Detention Review Hearing
Sogi Bachan Singh has been in detention in Montreal for over three
years. He is being held without charge, on secret evidence and faces
deportation to torture in India.
Friday, March 24
10:00 am
Guy Favreau Complex
200 René-Lévesque Boulevard West
Main Floor
Immigration and Refugee Board
Background:
Sogi came to Canada and claimed refugee status in May 2001 because of
the persecution he suffered in India. Prior to the hearing of his
refugee claim CSIS accused him of being a member of a terrorist
organization, the Babbar Khalsa, which he denies.
He was arrested and detained in August 2002 based on secret evidence
to which neither he nor his lawyers have had access. He was deemed
inadmissible to claim refugee status and has remained in detention
ever since.
In December 2003, despite a Pre-Removal Risk Assessment (PRRA) that
indicated he faced torture if returned to India, his application for
protection in Canada was refused.
From December 2003 to July 2005, the Canadian Government held the
position that it intended to carry out the deportation and maintained
its request for detention on those grounds. However, on July 6, 2005,
Immigration Canada withdrew the negative decision on protection before
the Federal Court of Appeal.
October 28, 2005, a second PRRA confirmed Sogi faces torture if
deported to India. He is now waiting for a decision on his application
for protection in Canada.
Please come out and join his family and friends to demand Sogi receive
a fair trial, protection against arbitrary detention, and protection
against torture.
:::
Remplissons la cour en solidarité avec Sogi Bachan Singh
Sogi Bachan Singh est maintenu en detention à Montréal depuis 3 ans
déjà sans aucune charge et avec preuves secrètes. Il est menacé de
déportation en Inde malgré les risques de torture que cela représente.
vendredi le 24 mars 2006 à 10h
Complexe Guy Favreau
200 boul. René-Lévesque Ouest
Rez-de-chausse -- CISR/IRB
Sogi a fuit les persécutions dont il était victime en Inde et est venu
au Canada demander l'asile politique en mai 2001. Avant même que sa
demande de statut de réfugié ne soit entendu, le SCRS l'a accusé
d'être membre du Babbar Khalsa, une organisation terroriste, ce que
Sogi nie.
Il a été arrête en août 2002 (et détenu depuis) sur la base de
"preuves secrètes" auxquelles ni lui ni son avocat n'a accès. On l'a
déclaré inadmissible au statut de réfugié.
En décembre 2003, il a été reconnu, par la procédure d'Évaluation du
risque avant le renvoi (l'ERAR), que Sogi risquait la torture s'il
retourne en Inde, mais le Canada lui a quand même refusé la protection
et l'a maintenu sous menace de déportation.
Cependant, le 6 juillet 2005, cette décision de refuser la protection
était retiré par le gouvernement canadien devant la Cour fédérale
d'appel du Canada. Une deuxième procédure d'évaluation a une fois de
plus confirmé le risque de torture s'il est déporté en Inde. Sogi
attend maintenant la décision du Canada sur sa deuxième demande de
protection.
Ce que nous demandons pour Sogi : la fin de la détention arbritraire,
la protection contre la torture et un procès juste. SVP apportez votre
soutien en étant présent à la salle d'audience vendredi.
-----
(((((4)))))
Secret Trials Cases at the Supreme Court of Canada: Get Involved!
Friends,
This June, the Supreme Court of Canada will hold three days of
hearings related to the CSIS secret trial security certificates. The
cases of Adil Charkaoui, Hassan Almrei, and Mohamed Harkat will be
heard June 13-15 in Ottawa, and many activities are planned both
around that week and leading up to June to keep the focus on the gross
human rights violations that arise from this process (see bottom of
this email for list of activities and what you can do.)
The fact that the Supreme Court is hearing these cases, while
significant, does not mean that our struggle for basic human rights
being applied equally for ALL people in Canada is over. Far from it.
Indeed, the larger issues of CSIS and RCMP intimidation of vulnerable
communities, secret evidence, arbitrary detention without charge, and
deportation to torture do not only affect the Secret Trial Five, but
are systemic problems which are increasingly directed against refugee
and immigrant communities.
And while the Court makes its determinations on various parts of the
secret trial process, the men currently detained (Mohammad Mahjoub,
Mahmoud Jaballah, Hassan Almrei, Mohamed Harkat) are likely to spend
much additional time behind bars at the new "Guantanamo Bay North"
facility recently constructed at Millhaven federal penitentiary, and
Adil Charkaoui, though on bail, will continue to face the daily
humiliation of downright draconian "release" conditions, including the
wearing of an electronic tracking bracelet.
The Supreme Court is composed of nine people who will make rulings on
various parts of the secret trial process. Ultimately, though, it is
up to all of us in Canada to look at our own conscience and ask
ourselves what WE are willing to do to end this human rights
nightmare.
Please get involved either in the activities listed below or, if you
cannot make it to the Montreal/Ottawa/Toronto area, plan something
where you live for June.
Peace
Matthew Behrens
Campaign to Stop Secret Trials in Canada
PO Box 73620, 509 St. Clair Ave. West
Toronto, ON M6C 1C0
(416) 651-5800, tasc at web.ca
http://www.homesnotbombs.ca/secrettrials.htm
GETTING INVOLVED.
(Upcoming events include a People's Commission on Immigration Security
Measures, A Freedom Caravan to Ottawa, a nationwide banner making
project, and a week of vigils in Ottawa....)
1. LOBBY CAMPAIGN: Challenge your MP (20 March to 22 May 2006) From
the end of March until the third week in May, you are invited to
challenge your MP to take a position on security certificates. Are
they willing to take a stand? To get a kit that you can bring or mail
to your MP, contact justiceforadil at riseup.net and or visit the special
page at www.adilinfo.org to download the kit. The essential part is a
follow up by phone or a visit.
2. PEOPLE'S COMMISSION on Immigration Security Measures, March through May 2006
*Public Consultations across the country through March and April (see
www.peoplescommission.ath.cx for details)
*10 April Deadline to apply to speak at Public Hearings (find out how
via our website)
*Public Hearings, 21 to 23 April, Montreal
*23 April Deadline to make written or recorded submissions to the
Commission (find out how via our website)
*end May Preliminary Report of the People's Commission
More info: abolissons at gmail.com, tel 514 859 9023, www.peoplescommission.ath.cx
3. FREEDOM CARAVAN TO OTTAWA (June 3-10)
From June 3-10, friends and family of the secret trial detainees
invite you to join a community on wheels as we travel through each
community between Toronto and Ottawa, organizing public processions
and vigils, handing out flyers, engaging in dialogue, meeting MPs, and
blanketing the area with information about the abuses of secret
trials. Meals and overnight accommodation will be provided. To book a
ride on the freedom caravan or offer a vehicle for use, please contact
(416) 651-5800 or tasc at web.ca In addition, a Montreal to Ottawa
Caravan is also in the works.
4. CAMP HOPE (June 11-16)
Upon our arrival in Ottawa, we will set up camp at the Supreme Court
of Canada, holding day-long vigils, sending delegations to appropriate
government agencies, and being a constant national reminder of the
shame of secret trials. Overnight accommodation will be provided. The
end of the week will feature a large, nonviolent direct action at the
national conspiracy headquarters of CSIS.
5. SUPREME COURT BANNER PROJECT
Whether you can come to Ottawa or not, we wish to blanket the huge
lawn of the Court with banners from across the country expressing
regional rejection of secret trials. If you have a school/ church/
labour/ community group, we would love for you to grab an old bed
sheet, paint out "Red Deer Against Secret Trials: Free the Detainees!"
or "St. John's United Church, Moncton, NB, Says Stop Deportations to
Torture," etc., and send us the banner for display (you can send
completed and folded banners to Campaign to Stop Secret Trials in
Canada, PO Box 73620, 509 St Clair Ave. West, Toronto, ON M6C 1C0. If
you have ideas you want to run by us, contact tasc at web.ca or (416)
651-5800.
6. SECRET TRIALS STATEMENT
While in Ottawa, we wish to present to the federal government
thousands of statements signed by people across the country expressing
rejection of secret trials and calling for due process. Please
download the statement at http://www.homesnotbombs.ca/STATEMENT.pdf,
make copies, have folks sign it, and return completed copies to PO Box
73620, 509 St. Clair Ave. West, Toronto, ON M6C 1C0
7. LOCAL VIGILS IN SUPPORT
Tuesday, June 13 is the first day of the hearings. If you cannot come
to Ottawa, why not organize a vigil of support in front of a local
immigration office, CSIS/RCMP detachment, federal government building,
or MP's office? Stuck for ideas or need help with a flyer, just let us
know! If you DO plan such a vigil, also let us know, and we will
inform the national media of what you are up to.
8. FINANCIAL HELP
Of course, any undertaking such as this requires a lot of expenses,
especially for the thousands of educational flyers we will be
producing, the costs of bringing witnesses to Montreal for the
commission, the logistics of the week in Ottawa, etc. Please make
cheques out to Homes not Bombs and mail them to PO Box 73620, 509 St
Clair Ave. West, Toronto, ON M6C 1C0. Please earmark where you would
like your donation to go towards (ie, People's Commission, Freedom
Caravan, General Campaign expenses, etc.).
-----
(((((5)))))
CALL TO ACTION
TO PREVENT MILITARY AND POLICE INCURSION ON MOHAWK TERRITORIES
Please forward this email to your networks. If your group has a
website, we would be grateful if you posted this call.
March 2006
The Coalition in Support of Indigenous Sovereignty - Native Caucus is
asking that you take some time to phone, email or fax the authorities
below to register your objection to a potential incursion onto Mohawk
Territories this spring and at any other time.
This request comes as a result of warnings by community leaders in
Akwesasne, Kahnawake, Kanehsatake and Tyendinega who are preparing for
a joint Canadian Forces/RCMP raid on April 1, the latest in a series
of actions designed to destroy the Mohawk tobacco trade.
Our position on this issue is as follows:
In 1876 the Indian Act imposed the band council system of government
on the indigenous people of Turtle Island (North America). Among other
things, this law:
1. *_Deposed already existing leadership_* to establish band councils
and the areas over which they had jurisdiction. The Indian Act was
passed without consultation with any indigenous leader, usurped
the treaty process (nation to nation agreements) and made First
Nations governments null and void, despite the fact that these
governments had served our ancestors for millennia before
Europeans arrived on Turtle Island. This is akin to the US
government passing a law that disbanded the current Canadian
government, determined what type of government Canada must have
and designated the limitations of its power.
2. *_Made First Nations Communities economically dependent on
Ottawa_*. The federal government controls the only sources of
revenue for social programs, economic development projects or job
creation in FN communities. Ottawa determines through a variety of
legal and financing mechanisms what band councils can and cannot
do for their communities. Even the process of pursuing a land
claim is legislated by Ottawa, funded (or not) by Ottawa and
decided ultimately in Canadian courts. Land usage on FN
territories is determined by Ottawa. There are many examples in
history when the federal government leased or sold First Nations
lands or resources and consequently reaped huge profits that did
not accrue to the community. Clearly, the poverty that exists in
First Nations communities is, and always has been, by Ottawa's
design.
3. *_Blatantly discriminated against women_* by recognizing Native
descent through the male line so that First Nations citizenship
rights for women were recognized only through their father's
lineage and husband's status, and by prohibiting them from voting
or running for office in band elections. This was a complete
contradiction to traditional First Nations practices, in which
descent for many communities was reckoned along the female line,
and where women had significant authorities in political, economic
and social life. While there were many nations and many practices,
it is safe to generalize and say that women held positions of
leadership directly and/or appointed male leaders and held them
accountable. This was completely overturned by the Indian Act.
Although women now have the right to vote and run for band office,
almost a century of being excluded from political, economic and social
decision-making has left First Nations women on and off reserve in
very vulnerable situations. Women are among the poorest in First
Nations communities. They have been targeted through various
amendments to the Indian Act and thousands were stripped of their
status along with their homes, benefits and any treaty rights they may
have had. The hundreds of women who are missing from our communities,
dead and murdered, is a direct result of a deliberate and calculated
attack on the rights and authorities of First Nations women by the
Canadian government.
4. *_Determined who could call themselves an "Indian" and live in
First Nations communities_*. The Indian Act established an Indian
registry and with subsequent amendments there has emerged a
complex set of legal categories (status & non-status Indians,
Treaty Indians, Bill C-31 Indians, etc.) designed to divide and
disempower First Nations families and communities. Non-status
Indians are those who are not recognized by Ottawa as First
Nations. They cannot live in their communities, do not enjoy
benefits or treaty rights and are not permitted to participate in
band council elections. Again, this is akin to the US determining
who could be a Canadian and who could not, as well as who could
live here and vote in Canadian elections.
Initially through the use of Indian agents with sweeping powers and
more recently through purse strings, Ottawa has controlled band
councils, band chiefs and the Assembly of First Nations. Whether this
current control is perceived of as friendly or hostile is irrelevant
and sidesteps the basic assumption that First Nations people are
children who cannot manage their own affairs. To recognize that some
band councils, their chiefs and police are sincerely interested in
serving their communities while others are corrupt may be true but
fails to recognize that the band council system is itself inherently
corrupt, paternalistic and racist.
*The Indian Act was and is an instrument of genocide*. Likewise, the
system of reserves, band councils and taxes are all tools of genocide.
At best, the levying of taxes by Canada or the provinces on commercial
activities within and among First Nations communities is an
infringement of sovereignty as well as a violation of the treaties
that exist, not to mention the inherent rights of First Nations
people.
This is particularly objectionable when the levying of taxes applies
to transactions involving tobacco. It was First Nations people who
developed, cultivated and cared for tobacco plants. Our ancestors were
the first to understand and benefit from the use of tobacco in
ceremony (even in times when our ceremonies were illegal). Canada now
assumes it has a right to control the tobacco trade, which is
consistent with its assumption that it has a right to control the
lives of First Nations people. Now that tobacco is being used to
generate income and sustain First Nations-owned businesses (an
anti-genocidal activity), Ottawa wants to step in and crush the
initiative.
We reject the portrayal of Mohawk communities as divided between the
minions of organized crime and law-abiding citizens. Mainstream media
and Canadian authorities would have us believe that thugs are defying
legally elected First Nations governments and Canadian laws. Such an
analysis does not acknowledge the impact of a band council system,
imposed, funded and controlled by Ottawa. It does nothing to educate
us on the long history of genocide that remains official policy in
this country. It does not examine Ottawa's historic role in sabotaging
activities that contribute to the economic independence of First
Nations people.
On these grounds we are asking that you and your organization fax or
email the officials below and voice your concerns regarding a
potential violation of Mohawk sovereignty, which would follow a
systemic pattern of violations over the years. Attached to this email
is a Backgrounder on the issues and information on the Coalition in
Support of Indigenous Sovereignty. Below is a sample letter that you
can edit, cut and paste into your own email if you choose.
Nia:wen / meegwich / thank you for your support. For more information
contact: daryljamesbucar at yahoo.ca or amadahy at rogers.com
Scroll down for the sample letter. To voice your concerns send an
email, phone or fax:
*Prime Minister Stephen Harper:*
Office of the Prime Minister
80 Wellington Street
Ottawa
K1A 0A2
Fax: 613-941-6900
pm at pm.gc.ca <mailto:pm at pm.gc.ca>
*Jim Prentice, Minister of Indian Affairs and Northern Development
and Federal Interlocutor for Metis and Non-Status Indians *
*Parliament Hill: House of Commons
*Ottawa, Ontario
K1A 0A6
Telephone: (613) 992-4275
Fax: (613) 947-9475
E-Mail: Prentice.J at parl.gc.ca <mailto:Prentice.J at parl.gc.ca>
SAMPLE LETTER
To: Prime Minister Stephen Harper; Jim Prentice, Minister of Indian
Affairs and Northern Development and Federal Interlocutor for Metis
and Non-Status Indians
I am writing to register my concern regarding ongoing violations of
Mohawk sovereignty and continued actions that threaten the health and
safety of the residents of Akwesasne, Kahnawake, Kanehsatake and
Tyendinega.
I strongly urge you to put a stop to government-sponsored activities
that portray these communities as being bastions of "organized crime"
engaged in an illegal tobacco trade. Furthermore, I suggest your
government cease operating under the assumption that Band Councils and
the Assembly of First Nations, which are funded and controlled by the
federal government, are the only legitimate representatives of First
Nations communities.
Many studies, some commissioned by the federal government (such as the
"Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal People"), have
determined that the issues confronting First Nations communities
include sub-standard health care, inadequate and sub-standard housing,
inadequate employment opportunities, poverty, violence, racism, etc.
These studies clearly attribute this set of deplorable conditions to
the actions and inactions of consecutive Canadian governments.
Raiding Mohawk communities and seizing tobacco products does nothing
to address the day-to-day issues confronting First Nations people. In
fact, such activities actually contribute to worsening the oppressive
conditions under which First Nations people live by depriving families
of their livelihood as well as assaulting their dignity and violating
their inherent rights.
Military and police incursions onto First Nations territories are not
a solution to the long standing issues confronting these communities.
Moreover such actions shame non-First Nations people, many of whom
reject complicity in a centuries-old genocide project.
Your government has the option of creating a disaster that would rival
the Oka Crisis, Gustafson Lake and the murder of Dudley George put
together. Or you can decide to deal with First Nations communities in
a way that is proactive, peaceful and respectful, for the first time
in Canadian history. I strongly urge you opt for the latter of the two
choices.
Signed,
xxxxx
Coalition in Support of Indigenous Sovereignty -- Basis of Unity
The Coalition in of Support Indigenous Sovereignty was initiated by
Indigenous people who are inviting Indigenous and non-Indigenous
community members to organize together to bring light to Indigenous
Sovereignty issues in canada and the need to create an ongoing
dialogue in our communities in order to better understand what
Indigenous Sovereignty means to the many First Nations of canada and
to support making it a reality. We invite Native youth, Elders, and
community members who support Indigenous sovereignty and a project of
decolonizing our lands, ourselves, and, our activism to play a
leadership role in this organizing. Within the Coalition there is an
Indigenous Caucus that meets regularly in order to facilitate ongoing
dialogue in a safe environment and provide direction for the larger
Coalition.
The Coalition to Support Indigenous Sovereignty acknowledges the
diversity of views and strategies that Native people, both on and off
reserve, status and non- status, engage in exercising their right to
sovereignty and self-determination. Our position is that issues of
self-government in canada must be addressed on a Nation- to- Nation
basis that reflects and respects First Nations inherent right to
self-determination as well as the treaties negotiated between First
Nations and canada. Our goal is to spark dialogue that is informative,
transformative, and respectful of divergent views and beliefs.
Non-Indigenous members of the Coalition commit to taking a leadership
role in educating themselves about Indigenous history and to a larger
process of situating themselves in the struggle; this includes
acknowledging white privilege. All members commit to opening their
minds and hearts to seeing the world in different ways.
The Coalition acknowledges the impacts of colonialism and actively
engages in resisting and challenging these adverse effects. The
Coalition does not accept racism, sexism, classism, ableism, or
homophobia and transphobia. We resist patriarchy by engaging in
non-hierarchical ways of organizing such as consensus-decision making
and creating space for women and two-spirited voices.
The Coalition is committed to a process of decolonizing our mindsets
and activism and linking our struggles to all Indigenous brothers and
sisters, and to anti-racist, anti-capitalist, and anti-imperialist
struggles through out the world. We stand in solidarity with other
people of colour and invite them to join in linking and strengthening
our struggles. We commit to engaging in activism that is inclusive,
accessible, and asserts Indigenous Sovereignty in Toronto and through
out Turtle Island.
-----
(((((6)))))
Les habitants de Gaza bientôt à court de pain
REUTERS | 17.03.06 | 19:02
http://permanent.nouvelobs.com/etranger/20060317.REU19111.html?1803
par Nidal el Mughrabi
GAZA (Reuters) - Des centaines de Palestiniens ont fait la queue
devant les boulangeries de Gaza où la farine vient à manquer en raison
de la fermeture par Israël d'un point de passage des marchandises.
Devant une boulangerie de la ville, au moins 70 Palestiniens se
bousculaient pour tenter d'obtenir du pain. Le propriétaire a expliqué
qu'il avait été obligé de limiter le nombre de clients.
Depuis deux mois, Israël ferme par intermittence le terminal de Karni,
principal point de passage des marchandises vers la bande de Gaza,
invoquant des raisons de sécurité. L'Etat juif a affirmé qu'il ne
s'agissait pas d'une réponse à la victoire du Hamas aux législatives
palestiniennes du 25 janvier.
Les Palestiniens craignent une pénurie des produits de base pour
l'alimentation et des agences des Nations unies ont mis en garde
contre le bas niveau des réserves de blé, de sucre et d'huile et
contre l'envolée des prix.
Hicham el Chanti, propriétaire d'une des plus grandes boulangeries de
Gaza, a affirmé qu'il lui restait assez de farine pour tenir une
journée seulement.
"Si le point de passage reste bloqué, nous devrons fermer les portes
de la boulangerie", a-t-il déclaré à Reuters.
Un porte-parole de l'armée israélienne a précisé qu'une réouverture du
terminal, fermé le 13 mars, n'était pas prévue dans l'immédiat.
-----
(((((7)))))
IMMIGRATION
Nouakchott et Madrid coopèrent pour endiguer le flot d'immigrés
L'Espagne a commencé à se mobiliser face à une nouvelle vague
d'immigration clandestine venue de Mauritanie qui apporte chaque jour
son lot de drames humanitaires sur les côtes de l'archipel espagnol.
http://www.lexpress.mu/display_article.php?news_id=61328#
par Nick TATTERSALL
Lundi 20 mars 2006 - No. 15733
La Mauritanie et l'Espagne ont convenu de renforcer leurs contrôles
aux frontières pour tenter d'empêcher le passage des milliers de
Subsahariens déterminés à gagner coûte que coûte l'Eldorado européen.
La Mauritanie, qui est devenue ces derniers mois le point de départ
d'une nouvelle voie d'immigration vers le Vieux continent, a demandé
l'aide de la communauté internationale pour endiguer de flot de
clandestins qui embarquent à partir de ses côtes.
Chaque nuit, de nombreux jeunes Africains s'entassent sur des
embarcations de fortune et quittent les rivages mauritaniens pour
tenter de rallier l'archipel espagnol des Canaries, souvent au péril
de leur vie.
Jeudi soir, une délégation de haut rang du gouvernement espagnol a
rencontré des responsables de l'armée mauritanienne pour évoquer la
façon de régler une crise qui, d'après les estimations de la
Croix-Rouge espagnole, a fait un millier de morts depuis le début de
l'année.
«Nous avons convenu d'une série de mesures spécifiques comprenant
notamment une contribution de la communauté internationale», a déclaré
aux journalistes le secrétaire d'Etat aux Affaires étrangères,
Bernardino Leon, à l'issue de la réunion.
«La chose la plus importante est d'éviter de nouvelles pertes en vie
humaine et d'oeuvrer pour améliorer les conditions dans les pays de
départ».
La «Forteresse Europe»
Yahya Ould Cheikh Mohamed Vall, gouverneur de Nouadhibou, port et
capitale économique de ce pays semi-désertique, a déclaré à ses hôtes
espagnols avoir besoin d'une aide immédiate de 60 millions d'ouguiya
(230 000 dollars) par mois.
Selon lui, cet argent est nécessaire pour renforcer les contrôles aux
frontières, construire un centre de rétention pour clandestins et
lutter contre les rabatteurs, passeurs et autres intermédiaires qui
organisent ce trafic humain.
«Nous n'arrivons pas à faire face à cette pression croissante, nous
avons besoin d'aide», avait auparavant expliqué le Premier ministre
mauritanien, Sidi Mohamed Ould Boubacar, dans les colonnes du
quotidien espagnol El Pais.
«Nous allons mettre en place un système de contrôle coordonné par
l'Union européenne, l'Espagne et la Mauritanie», a déclaré Bernardino
Leon, accompagné de son collègue chargé de la Sécurité, Antonio
Camacho.
«Il s'agit d'un phénomène qui submerge la Mauritanie et l'Espagne»,
a-t-il ajouté.
Plus de 900 clandestins ont réussi à rejoindre les Canaries depuis
samedi et selon les estimations de la Croix-Rouge, plus d'un millier
d'immigrants africains sont morts depuis le début de l'année en
tentant de pénétrer dans «la forteresse Europe».
D'après le gouverneur de Nouadhibou, un millier de Subsahariens
affluent chaque mois dans sa ville en vue de passer en Espagne via
l'archipel des Canaries.
L'Espagne a annoncé mercredi une série de mesures pour tenter de
contenir l'arrivée de nouveaux immigrants, en renforçant notamment la
surveillance en mer et en apportant son aide aux forces de sécurité
mauritaniennes.
Demain le sénégal ou le cap vert ?
Des vedettes espagnoles seront ainsi dépêchées en appui à l'action de
la gendarmerie maritime mauritanienne, bien démunie en équipements et
en hommes pour surveiller efficacement le littoral atlantique.
Chaque jour, des dizaines de nouveaux clandestins, pour la plupart des
jeunes gens venus du Mali enclavé et du Sénégal, sont arrêtés par la
police et la gendarmerie mauritaniennes, généralement après avoir été
refoulés sur la côte après s'être égarés en mer ou faute de vivres.
Il faut débourser en moyenne 150 000 ouguiyas, fournis le plus souvent
par la famille ou le village d'origine des migrants, pour obtenir une
place sur une pirogue en bois ou en fibre de verre.
«Nous voulons simplement du travail, du travail», hurlait jeudi un
jeune homme allongé à même le sol d'un commissariat de police de
Nouadhibou au moment du passage très bref de la délégation espagnole.
«Je voudrais écrire (au roi d'Espagne) Juan Carlos mais je n'ai pas
son adresse», a lancé Malik, un jeune Sénégalais, dans un espagnol
impeccable, en tendant au ministre espagnol une demande de visa
griffonnée sur une page arrachée d'une revue.
Comme ses compatriotes, Malik souhaite être rapatrié le plus
rapidement possible pour pouvoir réunir à nouveau l'argent qui lui
permettra de tenter une nouvelle fois de passer en Europe.
La Mauritanie est devenue ces derniers temps le nouveau pays de
transit des Subsahariens depuis que le Maroc, plus au Nord, a
considérablement renforcé ses frontières à la fin 2005 en réponse aux
pressions de l'Union européenne.
«La même chose risque de se produire si les contrôles aux abords de
Nouadhibou se renforcent trop», prédit le père Jerôme Otitoyomi
Dukiya, un prêtre nigérian qui s'occupe des clandestins dans la
capitale économique mauritanienne.
«S'ils bouclent Nouadhibou, ce sera au tour du Sénégal ou des îles du
Cap Vert d'attirer les clandestins. Les distances rallongeront, ce qui
veut dire qu'un plus grand nombre de candidats à l'émigration périront
en mer».
-----
(((((8)))))
Le lundi 13 mars 2006
ASSURANCE MALADIE POUR LES IMMIGRANTS
L'abolition du délai de carence réclamée
Malorie Beauchemin
La Presse
http://www.cyberpresse.ca/article/20060313/CPACTUALITES/60313027/1064/CPACTUEL
Jasper Severino avait 22 ans lorsqu'il a immigré au Canada, en
septembre 2004, avec le statut de résident permanent. Le Philippin
était en bonne santé, selon l'examen médical exigé par les services
d'immigration. Quelques semaines plus tard, avant de pouvoir se
trouver un emploi, il tombe gravement malade. Diagnostic: insuffisance
rénale.
Il subit une dialyse et restera hospitalisé cinq jours.
N'étant pas couvert par l'assurance maladie du Québec, en raison du
délai de carence de trois mois imposé aux nouveaux immigrants, il
reçoit une facture de 18011$.
Aujourd'hui, il continue ses traitements de dialyse en attendant une
greffe de rein. Son état de santé l'empêche de travailler, il ne peut
donc pas payer la facture.
Sa mère, Jean, arrivée au Québec en 1992, l'avait parrainé dans son
processus d'immigration.
Elle travaille dans une usine, à faible salaire, et ne peut pas aider
son fils, pas plus que son mari, qui est employé d'entretien.
Au bord du gouffre
La famille se retrouve aujourd'hui au bord du gouffre. Hier, Mme
Severino a imploré le gouvernement du Québec d'abolir le délai de
carence pour qu'une telle situation ne se reproduise plus.
«Étions-nous supposés le laisser mourir?» demande-t-elle, le visage
long et les larmes aux yeux.
En conférence de presse, elle était accompagnée de trois groupes
communautaires qui soutiennent que ce délai de carence imposé par le
gouvernement est inacceptable d'un point de vue de santé publique et
discriminatoire à l'égard des immigrants, en plus d'aller à l'encontre
de la Charte des droits et libertés de la personne du Québec.
Délai de carence
En vigueur depuis le 31 mai 2001, le délai de carence de la Régie de
l'assurance maladie du Québec (RAMQ) signifie que les immigrants reçus
au Québec n'ont droit au régime que trois mois après leur arrivée au
Québec.
Certains en sont exemptés, notamment les réfugiés, les enfants adoptés
et les femmes enceintes. Avant cette date, tout immigrant avait droit
au régime d'assurance maladie dès son arrivée.
À l'époque, ce délai avait été imposé pour éviter certains abus, par
exemple des étrangers qui viennent se faire soigner au Québec et
repartent ensuite.
Ailleurs
Il visait aussi à harmoniser les pratiques du Québec avec celles de
l'Ontario et du Nouveau-Brunswick, qui ont déjà de telles mesures, et
à s'assurer que les personnes qui immigrent en Ontario ne viennent pas
se faire soigner au Québec.
Les organismes communautaires rétorquent que le gouvernement n'a
jamais été en mesure de dire combien de fois une telle situation
s'était présentée.
Impossible non plus de dire combien de personnes ont dû débourser
d'importantes sommes pour s'être fait soigner moins de trois mois
après leur arrivée.
«Ça ne change rien au fait que cette politique nuit à la santé et à
l'intégration des immigrants, a soutenu Jennifer Auchinleck, de la
Coalition Solidarité Santé. C'est difficile pour les familles
touchées, le niveau de stress et de culpabilité est très élevé et ça
affecte leur santé psychologique.»
La RAMQ suggère aux arrivants de se doter d'une assurance privée s'ils
ne proviennent pas d'un pays qui détient une entente de réciprocité
avec le Québec (France, Portugal, Grèce, Luxembourg et les pays
scandinaves).
-----
(((((9)))))
Le jeudi 16 mars 2006
La demande d'immigration des Van Hauve est envoyée
Patrice Gaudreault
http://www.cyberpresse.ca/article/20060316/CPACTUALITES/603160429/5199/CPDROIT
La demande d'immigration de Michel Van Hauve est complète. Les
documents ont été envoyés mardi à Immigration Canada et au consulat
canadien à Détroit. Pourtant, un nuage d'incertitude continue de
planer au-dessus de la famille de Navan, dans l'Est ontarien.
Le ressortissant belge n'avait reçu aucun signe d'Ottawa, en fin de
journée, hier, date d'expiration de son plus récent sursis.
"Je n'ai pas de nouvelles. J'attends toujours. Je ne sais pas à quoi
ils jouent", a confié M. Van Hauve.
Au début du mois, le ministre de la Sécurité publique, Stockwell Day,
a suspendu jusqu'au 7 mars l'avis de déportation et les mandats
d'arrestation qui pesaient contre la famille Van Hauve.
Quelques jours plus tard, le consulat canadien de Détroit a prolongé
l'extension accordée pour rassembler tous les documents nécessaires à
leur demande jusqu'au 15 mars.
Plus de détails dans notre édition du jeudi 16 mars
-----
(((((10)))))
Dozens protest Gitmo North
The Whig-Standard (Kingston, Ontario)
http://www.thewhig.com/webapp/sitepages/content.asp?contentid=6154&catname=Local+News&classif=News+%2D+Local
Monday, March 13, 2006 - 07:00
Local News - Kingston's immigration office became the site of an angry
demonstration Saturday when protesters gathered to publicly condemn a
new local prison they call Guantanamo North.
About 65 men and women waving signs, carrying banners, chanting
slogans and singing rally cries stormed the grey stone office on
Clarence Street to decry a proposed add-on to the Millhaven
Institution a six-person isolation unit for foreign terrorism suspects
that is expected to be built by the end of the month.
The group was led by Sophie Harkat, whose husband Mohamed Harkat is a
suspected al-Qaida member. He has been detained in Ottawa for more
than three years to await deportation and is expected to be one of the
first occupants of the new institution.
"It's a clear violation of rights," said Christian Legeais, who
carried a communist flag at the rally. "The government is trying to
make acceptable to the Canadian people that they can build camps like
this. It really is Guantanamo North."
The protesters marched from Dunning Hall on Queen's campus down
Princess Street chanting "No Guantanamo North," in reference to the
American detention centre in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, that holds untried
terror suspects.
When they arrived at 86 Clarence St., they were led in a parodied
version of a well-known military song.
"I don't know what I've been told/But CSIS's grip is losing hold/We'll
expose this truthful mess/Let's make CSIS powerless," they sang.
Harkat, along with three other terrorist suspects from Toronto, has
been imprisoned through the Canadian government's use of security
certificates.
These devices allow the government to indefinitely incarcerate
non-citizens without criminal charges or tried evidence if they are
believed to pose a threat to national security.
When the certificates are issued, the Federal Court immediately rules
whether or not the certificate is legitimate.
If the court rules it is unreasonable, the certificate is quashed. If
not, it becomes that person's removal order. The court's decision
cannot be appealed.
The message Legeais wants to get out was consistent with the theme of
Saturday's rally: "If there are no charges against them and they have
no right to a fair trial, they should be set free."
Another protester held a homemade sign in front of his face. It read,
"Am I a terrorist?"
"There's been a general tendency that's been exacerbated after 9/11
towards viewing people as terrorists," said Martin French, the man
behind the sign. "We're dehumanizing these people. They are seen as
terrorists rather than human."
French said that although he disagrees with the Millhaven add-on,
where the inmates will be kept separate from the general prison
population, his chief reason for showing up at the protest was to
challenge what he sees as the Canadian government's broad definition
of a terrorist.
"This goes beyond these four men," he said. "Who is a terrorist?
That's what I want to get at."
Harkat and the other three men are also resisting deportation; they
say they risk persecution and torture if they are shipped back to
their home countries.
This is Sophie Harkat's greatest fear. "We know the government wants
to deport him to Algeria," she says, but Harkat is fighting for the
other three men and anyone else who may come after them.
"Men without charges don't belong in jail," she said.
Right now, Harkat is entitled to visit her husband twice a week at the
Ottawa-Carleton Detention Centre, albeit through a pane of glass.
If he does get moved to Millhaven, those visits will become more difficult.
Harkat hasn't been told what to expect in terms of visits, but she
still says she's hopeful even though there's a chance her husband
could be put into isolation.
After the rally, Harkat said she'll be returning to Kingston in the
future to drum up more support, especially if and when the men are
transferred.
"I'm sure this won't be the last protest in Kingston," she said.
"There is real potential here. People here seemed genuinely
concerned."
-----
(((((11)))))
Canada's 'Guantanamo North' prison to open by end of March
Small six-inmate facility within maximum security Millhaven
Penitentiary already the subject of human rights protests
http://www.nupge.ca/news_2006/n20ma06a.htm
Kingston (20 March 2006) - Few people in Canada even know it exists
those who do are already calling it Guantanamo North - a small and
intensely secure maximum-security prison for foreign terror suspects
detained in Canada..
Already it has been the target of one noisy protest alleging that the
mere existence of the facility will further legitimize the erosion of
human rights by the Canadian government in the name of fighting
terror.
At issue is an isolated unit being built within the walls of Canada's
infamous Millhaven Penitentiary, home to some of the worst criminal
inmates in the country.
This prison within a prison, located just outside Kingston, is due for
completion by the end of March. It's purpose is being compared with
the notorious facility operated by the United States since September
2001 at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.
The new facility will house a maximum of six inmates. All will be
segregated around the clock from other inmates at Millhaven.
To date four individuals - all Arab nationals - are being held in
Canada on the strength of so-called security certificates. All are
fighting deportation.
[PHOTOS: Detainees held by Canada on security certificates: top
Mohamed Harkat (Algeria); clockwise from centre left: Hassan Almrei
Syria), Mohammed Mahjoub (Egypt), Mahmoud Jaballah (Egypt) and Adil
Charkaoui (Morocco).]
Fighting deportation
A fifth man is free on bail in Montreal, subject to severe
restrictions. None of the five has been charged with a crime and no
trials have been, or are expected to be, scheduled.
Security certificates are designed to deal with non-citizens that the
government believes pose a threat to national security. Canadians
accused of terror-related offences must be charged under the Criminal
Code. However, no charges need be laid against those held by a
certificate.
Outrage over the certificates prompted the first human rights protest
of its kind in Kingston on March 11. More than 60 human rights
activists converged at a federal immigration office, waving placards,
carrying banners and chanting slogans.
The group was led by Sophie Harkat, whose husband Mohamed Harkat is
accused of being a member of the al-Qaida terrorist network of Osama
bin Laden. The group has claimed responsibility for the September 2001
attacks on New York and Washington. Harkat has been held since
December 2002 at the overcrowded and much criticized Ottawa-Carleton
Detention Centre.
The prisoner's wife told protestors at the rally that construction of
the new facility at Millhaven is ominous because it indicates that the
prisoners will left "to rot" for a long period of time.
No charges, no trials
"These men have not been charged, tried or found guilty in an open
court of law," she said. "Canada's security certificate process
consists of presenting secret evidence behind closed doors and, now,
(there is) a special prison for detention away from public scrutiny.
The only comparison I can make is to the U.S.'s Guantanamo prison."
Security certificates have also been condemned by an United Nations
human rights group that has expressed "grave concern" about the
holding of prisoners in Canada without granting them any right to a
hearing, any ability to challenge evidence (some of it secret) or any
means to have circumstances of their incarceration reviewed.
Other than Harkat, certificates have been issued for Hassan Almrei,
born in Syria and imprisoned since October, 2001; Mohammed Mahjoub,
born in Egypt and arrested in June, 2000; Mahmoud Jaballah, also of
Egypt, and detained since August, 2001. All three are being held for
the moment at the Metro West Detention Centre in Toronto.
Adil Charkaoui of Morocco, who was detained from May 2003 to February
2005 is free on bail in Montreal.
All five of the suspects are accused of being associated with Islamic
extremists.
James Clancy, president of the 340,000 member National Union of Public
and General Employees (NUPGE), agrees that the new facility represents
a disturbing development in the Canadian system of justice.
"The federal government is further committing itself to a policy that
violates fundamental human rights, a policy, we need to remind
ourselves, that has been condemned by Amnesty International and United
Nations committees," Clancy said.
"The construction of this prison tells us that there is a long-term
plan to continue these violations, regardless of the growing public
rejection of this policy." NUPGE
-----
(((((12)))))
Hospital bill a nightmare
Immigrants can't use free health care for three months after arrival in Quebec
JEFF HEINRICH
The Gazette
Monday, March 13, 2006
"They say Quebec is a good place to come live. But just don't get sick
in the first three months. If you do, it's agony."
Hassan Alaoui spoke with quiet conviction yesterday, describing the
nightmare he's been living since immigrating here from Morocco three
years ago.
Like most everyone else who's new to Quebec, Alaoui and his family
weren't entitled to free public health-insurance until three months
after arrival.
Too late. Only two weeks into their new life here, he and his wife's
toddler daughter, Aya, had to go to the Ste. Justine Hospital for
emergency treatment.
The diagnosis: an inoperable abdominal abscess. The prescription: 10
days under observation in hospital. The bill: $29,800.
Alaoui, 35, couldn't pay it. He'd arrived in Quebec with only $1,300
in savings, looking for work as a computer technician.
With his daughter still in the hospital, he went on welfare to qualify
for medicare and got the bill reduced to $18,675. Still too high. He
still hasn't paid a cent.
"I can't pay and I won't pay, because I shouldn't have to," Alaoui,
who lives in Cote des Neiges, said defiantly at a news conference in a
Montreal community centre.
He was joined by Cote St. Luc resident Jean Severino, a Filipina
immigrant seamstress who is in similar financial straits because of
unexpected health-care costs.
Flanked by representatives of three immigrant-aid organizations, they
demanded Quebec repeal the three-month no-medicare rule that's been
law since 2001, as well as cancel the debts of those few immigrants
who've been caught out because of sudden illness or an accident
requiring medical treatment
The Regie de l'assurance maladie du Quebec made the change in May 2001
to match similar three-month rules in Ontario, B.C. and New Brunswick
at the time. Since then, all provinces have imposed similar delays.
RAMQ's goal was to help prevent foreigners from moving here for quick,
free health care.
Most newcomers take out private health insurance to cover the gap
after they arrive. Others - from France, Portugal, Greece, Luxembourg
and the Scandinavian countries - get free care because of bilateral
agreements.
Others are exempt from the rule, such as refugees, seasonal workers
and expectant mothers, as well as child and youth immigrants who
arrive under reunification programs or are adopted.
Then there are those who fall through the cracks.
Severino's 22-year-old son, Jasper Quiamco, had been here only five
weeks when he was admitted in October 2004 to the Jewish General
Hospital. The diagnosis: kidney failure.
He was put on dialysis. The bill was $18,011, an amount Severino and
her husband can't pay. They've been harassed by bill collectors and
are fed up.
-----
(((((13)))))
NB Telegraph-Journal | E-Brief
Article published: Mar 15, 2006
N.B. man on hunger strike to prevent deportation to Iran
Former Saint John resident fears he will be tortured, killed if he's sent back
By Bobbi-Jean MacKinnon
Telegraph-Journal
http://canadaeast.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=/20060315/TPEBRIEF/603150394
SAINT JOHN A New Brunswick man is facing deportation to Iran where he
believes he will be tortured and killed.
Mostafa Dadar, ordered deported by Stockwell Day, the federal minister
for Public Safety and Emergency Preparedness, has started a hunger
strike and will soon stop drinking all liquids if the decision isn't
reversed.
It's his only option, the 55-year-old former Saint John resident said
Tuesday during a telephone interview from the Madawaska Regional
Correctional Centre, near Edmundston, where he's being held.
"If I die, I die with dignity."
Mr. Dadar's lawyer Richard Albert is sad and shocked, but hasn't given up hope.
He contends the deportation order "flouts" a decision by the United
Nation's Committee Against Torture and has asked the UN's Special
Rapporteur on torture to request a moratorium pending further
investigation.
He has also written to Amnesty International, asking the organization
to take immediate action against Mr. Dadar's imminent deportation.
And he is relying on the "court of public opinion," urging citizens to
write to their MPs about this "grave violation of civil rights.
"Canada is a civilized nation that adheres to the highest standard of
behaviour in the domain of human rights. In this particular case, it
has decided to sink below the level of civilized nations."
If Mr. Dadar is deported, he should at least be sent to a third
country where he can live free from torture and inhumane treatment,
said Mr. Albert.
"Take the trouble. We're talking about a human's life here."
The UN's committee against torture found last November "that
substantial grounds exist for believing that (Mr. Dadar) may risk
being subjected to torture if returned to Iran."
Mr. Dadar was a pilot with the Imperial Iranian Air Force during the
reign of the Shah of Iran and in 1982 actively participated in a
failed coup d'etat against the successor regime. He was imprisoned and
tortured before escaping to Pakistan in 1987. The United Nations High
Commission for Refugees granted him status as a convention refugee and
referred him to Canada.
In 1988, Canada granted Mr. Dadar and his now estranged wife status as
permanent residents. They settled in Saint John, where they had two
children.
The committee concluded that if Canada deports Mr. Dadar to Iran, it
would be violating the United Nation's Convention Against Torture and
Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, which
Canada signed in 1987.
"When we got that (decision), our hopes were high," said Mr. Albert.
"We thought 'Canada will never flout a decision of the United
Nations.' "
Under the convention, no signed party shall expel, return or extradite
a person to another country where their life or freedom will be
threatened.
Mr. Day's decision is based on the Minister of Citizenship and
Immigration Monte Solberg's opinion that Mr. Dadar would be a danger
to the public if he were allowed to remain in Canada and released. The
so-called Danger Opinion is based on Mr. Dadar's criminal record,
which also includes two assaults against his ex-wife, an assault on
his then five-year-old daughter and uttering death threats against his
ex-wife. A summary of the criminal record was contained in federal
documents.
Under the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act, anyone considered a
danger can be deported - even if they would be at risk of persecution
for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular
social group or political opinion or at risk of torture or cruel and
unusual treatment or punishment.
But in September, 2003, forensic psychologist Stephen Porter found
"Mr. Dadar clearly does not exhibit the traits associated with a
diagnosis of psychopathy and his risk for violent recidivism "... is
low."
If Mr. Dadar is deported to Iran and tortured or murdered, his blood
will be on the hands of Mr. Day and Mr. Solberg, said Mr. Albert. They
risk becoming accessories to the crimes under to the Convention, he
suggested in a letter to the UN's Special Rapporteur.
A spokeswoman for Mr. Day said the minister is prevented by privacy
laws from commenting on specific cases.
However, Melisa Leclerc added that the new Conservative government in
Ottawa is "strongly committed" to ensuring the safety of our
communities.
"That is one of the prime minister's top five priorities," said Ms.
Leclerc, Mr. Day's director of communications. "People coming to
Canada must respect Canadian law."
In 1997, Mr. Dadar was sentenced to eight years in prison after being
found guilty of aggravated assault in the vicious beating of his
then-girlfriend.
Lynn Landry, then 41, had been living with Mr. Dadar for about two
weeks before the May, 1996, beating. She suffered brain damage and
several other injuries, including bite marks and bruises. She spent
six months in hospital - one month in a coma.
Mr. Dadar was on probation at the time for assaulting his ex-wife. He
served five years of the sentence before his statutory release in May,
2002, when the minister of Citizenship and Immigration took custody of
him pending his deportation.
Mr. Dadar has maintained his innocence, but unsuccessfully appealed
his conviction to the New Brunswick Court of Appeal. The Supreme Court
of Canada refused to hear his appeal.
Innocence Project, a clinical program at Osgoode Hall Law School that
investigates possible cases of wrongful conviction, has determined
that Mr. Dadar's case merits further investigation.
Spokesman Chris Sherrin could not be reached for comment on Tuesday,
but Mr. Albert said the group is reviewing the forensic evidence.
- with files from Richard Roik
-----
(((((14)))))
Immigration report worth ignoring
Terence Corcoran
National Post
Tuesday, March 14, 2006
Over the years, writing for the Fraser Institute, Martin Collacott has
been nothing if not consistent. The former Canadian ambassador to
various Asian and Middle Eastern nations has yet to uncover any reason
to support Canada's immigration policies. He has also demonstrated a
remarkable knack for dredging up arcane reasons to oppose immigration,
especially Canada's refugee program. His latest find: terrorism.
In a recent report, titled Canada's Inadequate Response to Terrorism:
The Need for Policy Reform, Mr. Collacott deploys the following
argument: Canada's refugee program lets in terrorists, terrorists are
bad, therefore we need immigration policy reform.
The claim is plausible enough on the surface, but deceptive. Collacott
begins the argument with a purported statistic. "A survey we made
based on media reports of 25 Islamic terrorists and suspects who
entered Canada as adults indicated that 16 claimed refugee status,
four were admitted as landed immigrants." Since the "major channel"
for alleged terrorist entry to Canada is the refugee determination
system, Mr. Collacott says the system needs reform.
But the test is invalid and involves a great logical leap of numbers.
One might as well report that since most crooks arrive at their
destination by automobile, we should take a look at automobile policy.
Over the last decade, well over 100,000 refugees entered Canada. In
his "survey," Mr. Collacott found maybe 16 of the tens of thousands of
refugees who who may have been terrorists. Even if we count the known
and alleged non-Islamic terrorists in our midst (Sikhs, Tamil Tigers)
the total number of terrorists would be tiny relative to the total
immigrant and refugee population. We may need a policy to deal with
terrorism, but it does not follow that immigration or refugee
determination is the place to start.
It may seem unfair to suggest that Mr. Collacott started with his
immigration reform conclusion and adopted the terrorist scare to push
reform as urgent policy. Terrorism is, after all, just the latest in a
long list of anti-immigration claims Mr. Collacott has advanced over
the years. He has mounted opposition to family-class immigration,
claimed immigrants add nothing to the Canadian economy (one or two
sources are repeatedly cited), opposed the entry of skilled
immigrants, criticized immigrants who were "economic refugees,"
expressed fears of "ghettoization," raised the spectre of crime in
immigrant communities, deplored the entry of unskilled workers, raised
alarms about Canada's population limits and come up with countless
claims about the negative impact of immigration on Canadian society.
In his new paper, Mr. Collacott offers little in the way of specific
reform options. His call for action was more of a general attempt to
heap more rubble on Canada's refugee and immigration policy with a
view to promoting tougher policy, regardless of whether new policy
would do anything to ward off terrorism. The boldest proposal would
have newly landed people take some oath of allegiance to "Canadian
values and principles," described vaguely as "some mix of shared
values, tradition, and outlook that define us as a nation."
Whatever is Mr. Collacott talking about? Decades ago Canadian
immigration allowed a high number of Scottish, English and Irish trade
unionists into the country, the result of which was a transformation
of Canadian values from individual worker rights to collective worker
rights and an explosion of laws supporting unionization. A few
Marxists also made it across the borders, which is why today we have a
civil service and health care system dominated by unions.
To add to his anti-immigration report Mr. Collacott brings in some
dubious numbers on Canada's refugee performance. Canada reportedly
lets in more refugees proportionately that other countries, a claim
disputed by Canadian immigration officials.
And then there are the claims that "terrorist fundraising" in Canada
now tops $180-million a year. This number is dreadfully wrong. It
supposedly comes from Ottawa's Financial Transactions and Reports
Analysis Centre (FINTRAC), an agency created five years ago to track
money laundering. What FINTRAC actually reports, however, is much
different.
FINTRAC's last annual report says it found $180-million in
"suspicious" money laundering cases that may involved terrorism and
"other threats to the security of Canada." First of all, at best only
a fraction of the "suspected" money transfers are likely to be actual
terrorist or security-related transfers. Second, the suspicious
movements of funds have yet to produce charges and convictions.
FINTRAC collects information on millions of money movements, turns
some of the information over to policy and security officials, but it
has no idea whether there were any actual breaches of Canadian law.
The terrorist funding number, in other words, is just another notch in
Mr. Collacott's ongoing attempt to turn policy against immigration.
It's an attempt that fails and is not one bit convincing. One can only
hope the report receives the attention it deserves in Ottawa.
-----
(((((15)))))
"Operation Avalanche": 60 ARRESTED IN BOSTON RAIDS
by Immigration News Briefs
(Immigration News Briefs is a weekly supplement to Weekly News Update
on the Americas, published by Nicaragua Solidarity Network, 339
Lafayette St, New York, NY 10012; tel 212-674-9499; fax 212-674-9139;
wnu at igc.org. INB is also distributed free via email; contact
nicajg at panix.com for info.)
In "Operation Avalanche," a two-day sweep through the Boston area on
Mar. 14 and 15, US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents
arrested 60 immigrants, 57 of whom had records of arrests or
convictions. In its Mar. 16 news release reporting the raids, ICE did
not specify how many of those detained had been convicted of crimes
and how many had been charged but ultimately acquitted. Three
immigrants who did not have arrest records were detained on
outstanding deportation orders. ICE spun the raids as an effort to rid
the streets of potential offenders and stem recent violence in
high-crime Boston neighborhoods including Dorchester, East Boston and
Mattapan. Of the immigrants seized in the raids, 43 were lawful
permanent residents.
It was the largest such raid in New England since ICE was formed three
years ago, according to Matthew J. Etre, acting special
agent-in-charge of ICE in New England. Advocates for immigrants
criticized the arrests, saying that authorities had targeted people of
color and gave too few details about the charges. The immigrants
arrested came from 21 countries: Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Cape
Verde, Colombia, Cuba, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Ghana, Greece,
Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, India, Jamaica, Nicaragua, Nigeria, St.
Vincent, Trinidad, United Kingdom and Vietnam. In its press release,
ICE did not specify how many of the arrestees came from each country,
although charts the agency released to reporters before a press
conference announcing the results of the sweep showed that more than
half of those arrested were from Haiti, the Dominican Republic or El
Salvador. Asked if federal agents had focused on Central American and
Caribbean countries, Etre said: "We do not target any one ethnic
group. We are targeting those individuals who are committing crimes in
our neighborhoods, and violent crimes at that."
Nearly 60% of the arrests took place in one of Boston's crime "hot
spots," 10 sections of the city where more than 20% of the 75 killings
in 2005 occurred, said Etre and Boston police superintendent Paul
Joyce. ICE was assisted in the operation by the Boston Police
Department, the Suffolk County Sheriff's Department, the US Marshals
Service, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, the
Middlesex County Sheriff's Department, the Suffolk County Probation
Office, the Social Security Administration Office of Inspector
General, Office of Investigations, the US Department of State,
Diplomatic Security Service, the Massachusetts State Police, the US
Attorney's office, the Bristol County Sheriff's Department and the
Plymouth County Sheriff's Department. [Boston Globe 3/17/06; ICE News
Release 3/16/06]
-----
(((((16)))))
Gaza faces food shortage, says UN
by Laila El-Haddad in Gaza
Sunday 19 March 2006 4:11 PM GMT
http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/B5203A54-8C4B-4C71-A7E4-2FEBF524B652.htm
Wheat-flour stocks have run out in the Gaza Strip, with most bakeries
closing and the United Nations warning of a looming humanitarian
crisis after a nearly two-month commercial closure of Gaza imposed by
Israel.
Gaza's 1.5 million Palestinians face an unprecedented food shortage
because of Israeli closures that have prevented the import of wheat,
the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OCHA) said on Sunday.
Emergency shipments of food will be brought into Gaza from Egypt on
Monday, a US diplomat announced on Sunday after hosting talks on the
re-opening of the Al-Mintar (Karni) border crossing point between Gaza
and Israel.
Karni is the main import and export point for all goods in and out of Gaza.
"The situation is extremely serious," David Shearer, OCHA's head of
operations, told Aljazeera.net. "In the next day or so all bread
supplies will dry up.
"There is very little else around in terms of rice, which is also
short in supply. Bread is the staple diet for Palestinians. It is also
the food of the poorest people, so if that's not available, people
will start to go hungry," Shearer said.
Richard Jones, the US ambassador to Israel, told reporters: "We have
agreed that the crossing from Kerem Shalom will open tomorrow for
imports of food and other essential humanitarian products from Egypt."
Kerem Shalom is inside Israel, at the corner of the border with Gaza and Egypt.
According to the World Bank, 65% of Gazans live below the poverty
line, surviving on less than $2 a day.
"What we were warning before was that stocks were getting low. Today
we are saying stocks are gone, and the end-point has been reached,"
Shearer said.
Vanishing stocks
The United Nations Relief and Works Agency and the World Food
Programme have run out of emergency flour stocks, he said.
The Karni crossing is Gaza's commercial lifeline, the only point
through which large-scale import of wheat and other goods can take
place. The crossing has been closed for nearly 50 days this year, a
total of 60% of the time, according to the UN.
The financial losses to the Palestinian economy are estimated at $500,000 a
day.
The crossing was opened sporadically during the closure, but 3594
metric tonness of wheat flour contracted to local mills was unable to
enter Gaza during this time, the World Food Programme said.
According to the Ministry of Economy, Palestinians in Gaza consume
about 350 tonnes of flour a day, but all flour mills have shut down
because of the depletion of wheat stocks, and bakeries are working
through their last bags of stored flour.
Long lines
As word of the shortage spread, long lines formed through the night in
front of the few bakeries still open for business, with residents
flocking there to buy bread and flour for families under the roars of
Israeli warplanes circling Gaza's skies.
Bakery owners were rationing bags of bread they had baked with the
limited flour stocks in their emergency storage. In some instances,
fights broke out between desperate customers.
"My husband waited for three hours to buy a bag of flour so we can
bake at home, and all the bakeries have closed in our town. We don't
know what we will do in a few days" said 50-year-old Um Ramadan, who
has an eight-member family.
The UN says the usual 30- to 60-day wheat stock has been exhausted,
and other basic food commodities, such as dairy products and fruit,
are in short supply.
Rice and sugar are selling at more than twice their normal price and
are difficult to find in stores, while prices of local vegetables
marked for export, such as tomatoes and green peppers, have plummeted.
'On a diet'
Nabil Abu Rudeinah, a spokesman for the Palestinian president,
criticised the closure of the border crossing.
"Israel must realise it cannot starve the Palestinians," he said. "The
situation is critical and we cannot accept it. We have asked the
Americans to intervene."
Dov Weisglass, the Israeli prime ministerial adviser, recently
described the Israeli sanctions policy after Hamas's January election
victory as one in which Palestinians would be "put on a diet", but not
starved to death.
The United Nations has condemned the closure and noted that 40% of
children in the Gaza Strip suffer from malnutrition and that under the
fourth Geneva Convention, Israel, as an occupying power, is
responsible for the welfare of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.
Israeli authorities say the crossing has been closed because of
security threats, specifically, fears that tunnels had been built
under the crossing. Palestinians have rejected such claims, saying the
closure is politically motivated.
Kerem Shalom
After the meeting Jones's home near Tel Aviv, chief Palestinian
negotiator Saeb Erikat said: "We decided on an Egyptian-Palestinian-US
meeting to agree on arrangements for goods to enter (Gaza) through
Kerem Shalom."
Jones said a meeting would be held Monday at Kerem Shalom to work out
the operational details for food shipments from Egypt to Gaza, Reuters
reported.
Israel had proposed a limited transfer of goods via Kerem Shalom.
Palestinians had rejected the offer, saying Kerem Shalom was too small
to meet the needs of Gazans.
Aljazeera + Agencies
By Laila El-Haddad in Gaza
You can find this article at:
http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/B5203A54-8C4B-4C71-A7E4-2FEBF524B652.htm
-----
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