[Indigsol] IPSMO newsletter, Aug. 10-17

[Indigenous Peoples' Solidarity Movement -Ottawa]

IPSMO newsletter, Aug. 10-17

Meetings, Events, Articles

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1) Meetings

a) Next General Meeting, Tuesday, August 21st at 7pm
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2) Events

a) Justice for Missing Indigenous Women, Wednesday, Sept. 16 at 6:30pm

b) Demonstration: We Are Asking For It.  Protest Carleton University's
"Blame the Victim" approach to sexual assault, Monday, August 17 at 2:30pm
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3) Articles

a) Update on the situation in KI

b) Brant growing weary of protests, jail time by Mark Bonokoski

c) The Struggle of Indigenous Andean-Amazonian Culture by Hugo Blanco
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4) CALL-OUT FOR SUBMISSIONS: Justice for Missing and Murdered Indigenous
Women
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5) Callout for Organizers: Indigenous Sovereignty Week

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1) Meeting

a) Next IPSMO General Meeting

IPSMO General Meeting, Tuesday, Aug. 21 at 7pm

IPSMO’s next GM
Tuesday, Aug. 21 at 7pm
Exile Infoshop (256 Bank St.)
Everyone Welcome!
Sorry this location is not wheelchair accessible
ipsmo at riseup.net
http://ipsmo.wordpress.com

IPSMO’s general meeting is where our working groups report back and where
we make decisions about any other organizing that we will do.
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2) Events

a) Justice for Missing Indigenous Women

Justice for Missing Indigenous Women, Wednesday, Sept. 16 at 6:30pm

Join us in an evening of understanding
Help End Violence Against Indigenous Women!

Wednesday, Septembre 16th at 7pm
Library and Archives Canada, 395 Wellington St.
Everyone is Welcome!
Wheelchair Accessible
Free!
Contact us: ipsmo at riseup.net
http://ipsmo.wordpress.com

This event is also a fund raiser to continue the search for Maisy and
Shannon and to support organizing to end violence against indigenous women

Justice for Missing Indigenous Women

Opening Ceremony:

Verna McGregor, Anishinabeg Elder, Algonquin of Kitigan Zibi
Elaine Kicknosway

Film Screening:

The Highway of Tears by Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy
The Heart Has Its Own Memory by Audrey Huntley and Folkard Fritz

2 Speakers:

Ellen Gabriel, Turtle Clan, Kanienkehá:ka (Mohawk) of Kanehsatà:ke
President, Quebec Native Women Inc.
Speaker No. 2 - TBA

The Epidemic of Continuing Violence Against Indigenous Women

In the past decade, it is estimated that over 3,000 women have gone
missing, 80% of whom are Indigenous or Metis descent.  Why are Indigenous
women more susceptible to violence?  Why is there violence against women,
particularly Indigenous women?  On September 16th, we will get a closer
understanding of the reality of the lives of the Indigenous women across
Turtle Island (Canada) and root causes of violence against Grandmothers,
Grand aunties, Mothers, Aunties, Sisters and Daughters.

Exact a year ago, on September 15, 2008, hundreds of people gathered in
front of Parliament Hill for a rally to raise awareness and demand a
response from Canadian State on the violence against Indigenous women.
Since then, the circumstances of Indigenous women have not changed –
colonial and racial oppressions and violence continue.  The majority of
the people in the dominant culture still don’t know the dreadful threats
Indigenous women face today.

In addition to demanding actions from Canadian government, what would it
take for us to understand that the health of our environment is
inextricably linked to the health and well-being of Indigenous women?
What would it take for us to begin caring about Indigenous women so that
they will be once again respected and honoured like their ancestors prior
to Colonization?
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b) Demonstration: We Are Asking For It. Monday, August, 17, 2:30pm

Demonstration: We Are Asking For It.
Protest Carleton University's "Blame the Victim" approach to sexual assault.

Monday, August, 17
2:30pm - 6:00pm
University Centre, Carlton University

A demonstration, organized by Carleton Students and members of the Ottawa
community, is being held to bring attention to Carleton's stance on sexual
assault.

The demonstration will begin at 2:30pm in the atrium of the University
Centre. Demonstrators will march to the CU's administration offices to
present petitions and opposition letters.

A march will ensue to the Bronson/Sunnyside entrance for a rally.
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3) Articles

a) update on situation in KI

NIIN ANISHIININI / I AM INDIGENOUS
Last Updated August 9, 2009 August 9, 2009

12:10 AM

Hello folks

Platinex letter dated August 6, 2009 as promised

11:42 AM

Almost 12 hours later.  Finally just getting up to face the day.  Haven't
even had a coffee yet.  The sun is shining, it should be a good day to be
out and about.  Don'tcha think.  Later.

To date, KI has the following positions:

1. We rec'd a letter from Platinex about their intended visit to their
claims at KI territories.

2. We wrote a letter to MNDMF Minister outlining our positions on
Ontario (MNDMF) and Platinex.  No response yet from the Minister.  This
issue is being pressured on Ontario government with regards
to "reconciliation."  The letter also states that KI does not want Platinex
in their territories.

3. KI is presently undergoing a plan of attack to continue block and occupy
their territories from any mining activities and that media work is also
being planned.  Legal options are also being deliberated.

Well I guess it's common knowledge now that Platinex is coming back to it's
"Big Trout Lake" property comprising, 221 claims and 81 mining and surface
rights leases, on August 25th, 2009 under the authority of the court orders
obtained in 2007.  KI council received a letter to that effect dated July
22, 2009.

De Beers also sent a letter dated July 29, 2009, proposing to come to KI on
August 24, 2009 and meet with the Chief and Council.

We've consistantly told them that KI is not ready to discuss mineral
extraction at this time.

They are circling around KI like vultures waiting for us to die.

We are currently doing our land utilization and occupancy documentation and
they don't want to wait.  We are also currently having ongoing dialogue with
MNR and MNDM&F.

An urgent letter was sent to Minister Gravelle on July 30th, 2009 and no
response to date.  I guess they are in no hurry to intervene.

KI has not changed their positon and ON is not rushing in to do something
about it.  I guess it's back to square one between KI and Platinex come
August 25th.  Face off on the ground.  I'm telling you right now, I'm not
willingly going to jail this time.
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b) Brant growing weary of protests, jail time

Brant growing weary of protests, jail time
FIRST NATIONS: Long-time activist looks to pass the torch
Posted By MARK BONOKOSKI

Mohawk activist Shawn Brant, his customary camouflage fatigues replaced by
an orange prison jumpsuit, looks weary -- and is weary.

Weary of it all.

"This one, this stint in prison, has been the hardest on me, and the
hardest on my family," he admits, speaking over a telephone intercom, and
sitting behind protective glass at the provincial super-jail here.

Brant has been behind bars since June 10 -- ironically the first
anniversary of National Day of Reconciliation for Canada's First Nations,
and the federal government's apology for the Indian residential schools --
when approximately 100 OPP and First Nations police stormed in at dawn to
end the Mohawk blockage of the Skyway Bridge near Deseronto.

And he will remain in jail until October's end.

"I can't say it is entirely over for me when it comes to my involvement in
the cause," says the father of four, the youngest only 18 months old. "All
I can say is that I will give the next one, the next protest, a lot of
thought.

"I am 45 now. I have been doing this for 19 years.

"Maybe it is time for someone younger to step up."

It was back on July 22 that Justice Stephen Hunter sentenced Shawn Brant
to five months in jail on mischief and failure to comply charges for his
involvement in two separate road and bridge blockades on Tyendinaga land.

The last one, which tied up the Skyway Bridge linking Prince Edward County
to Deseronto and Tyendinaga in early June, was erected in support of the
Akwesasne Mohawks' opposition down Cornwall way to the proposed arming of
Canada Customs officers at the reserve's border crossing.

"We have to speak as one otherwise we will not be heard," says Brant,
indicating the blockade was not his decision, but a "longhouse" decision
made by the

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Mohawk on his reserve. "Had they consulted with our community beforehand,
there might not have been a need for the protest.

"But they didn't. Instead of consulting, and perhaps compromising, they
simply imposed.

SOVEREIGN NATION

"The Mohawk are a sovereign nation," says Brant. "How can we be sovereign
if we are imposed upon at will?"

Shawn Brant is not new to Judge Hunter who, in the course of his many
years on the bench in the Belleville area, has sent Brant off to jail on
so many occasions that Brant cannot recall any time in almost two decades
that he has not been in jail, on probation, or under strict bail
conditions.

Judge Hunter, however, is also so aware of the frustrations of the
residents of Tyendinaga -- unsafe drinking water, inadequate housing, etc.
-- that he admitted in court that Brant's sentencing on this occasion was
personally "difficult" for him to hand down, and even urged the various
levels of government to better address the issues on Tyendinaga land.

"You are an articulate representative of what those frustrations are,"
Hunter told Brant. "But you understand I am required to ensure the laws of
this country are respected."

Back in December, following a 15-part series published in some Sum Media
publications on the urban aboriginal --entitled The Red Road --an e-mail
arrived from Shawn Brant regarding a segment written on some of the issues
facing Tyendinaga.

"The story on Tyendinaga truly reflected the daily struggle of our people
and gives purpose to the cause," he wrote.

"I will be going back to jail soon, and will do so with honour. My
six-year-old son tells his friends that his dad goes to jail so they can
drink out of the fountains at school."

Eight months later, true to his word, Shawn Brant was indeed back in jail
-- but wearying.

When visited early last week, his unit was in its fourth day of lockdown,
meaning all inmates were confined to their cells around the clock -- no
reason given.

According to Brant, the inmates in Five Pod are primarily black or First
Nations.

"It's the same old, same old," he says, more matter of factly than
troubled or judgmental.

When Brant finally gets out of jail at the end of October, however, he
will experience a rather novel situation.

For the first time in almost two decades, he will not be shackled by a
period of probation.

In sentencing Brant, Judge Hunter imposed no restrictions upon his release.

He will return to Tyendinaga untethered.
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c) The Struggle of Indigenous Andean-Amazonian Culture

by Hugo Blanco

Over the course of more than 10,000 years, the rich biodiversity of the
Andes-Amazon region has created a culture that is closely interlocked with
Pachamama (Mother Nature). This culture is marked by deep knowledge of
nature and is highly agricultural. Ours is one of the seven zones of the
world to have originated agriculture. It has yielded the greatest variety
of domesticated species. This has given rise to a cosmic vision different
from the Western outlook that views the creator as a superior immaterial
spirit who created man in his image and likeness and created nature to
serve him. For the indigenous cosmic vision, humanity is a daughter of and
part of Mother Earth. We must live in her bosom in harmony with her. Each
hill or peak, each river, each vegetable or animal species has a spirit.

Indigenous, collectivist mentality is strong enough to have endured
solidly through 500 years of invasion and the dictatorship of
individualism.

The Quechua and Aymara name for the campesino community is ayllu. It is
bound by strong ties, many expressed in work (ayni, mink’a, faena)[1] and
in all aspects of life. The community is not restricted to persons. It
entails a close communal relationship with cultivated species, with
medicinal species, with animals and plants that tell cultivators about
seasonal variations,[2] and, more broadly, with all animal and vegetable
species, with rain, and with the land.

The development of agriculture and tending of livestock, which in other
latitudes led to slavery and feudalism, led in Abya Yala (the Americas) to
new forms of collectivism. In the Andes zone it led to a state that
extended over the territories of six present-day countries – Tawantinsuyo
(called “empire” by the invaders out of the same ignorance that led them
to call the llama “big sheep.”)

It’s true that the new forms of collectivism gave rise to privileged
castes and wars of conquest. But in no part of the continent was
production based on slave labor or the feudal system.

    * For more than 10,000 years our culture domesticated 182 plant
species, including around 3,500 potato varieties.
    * Our people know 4,500 medicinal plants.
    * Tawantinsuyos planned agriculture based on a system of watersheds
and micro watersheds or basins.
    * They built long aqueducts, taking care to avoid land erosion.
    * Terracing was practiced on the slopes and “waru-waru”[3] in the
altiplano (highlands).[4]
    * Special technologies were used from zone to zone.

Across the entire Tawantinsuyo territory they created storage buildings
(qolqa) to supply food to the population whenever some climatic shift
undermined agriculture.

Although there were privileged castes, hunger and misery did not exist.
Orphans, persons with disabilities, and the elderly were cared for by the
community.

The Invasion

The backbone of this social organization, of the agricultural
infrastructure and food reserves, was crushed by the invasion.

Europe was then passing from feudalism to capitalism. The invasion was a
capitalist action. They came looking for spices, believing they had
reached India. They found none, but did find gold and silver.

Mining had existed as a marginal activity, but it now became the center of
the economy. To exploit the mines they used a system worse than slavery.
The slave owner is concerned about the health of his slave just as he’s
interested in the health of his donkey. The mine owner in Peru received
annually a certain quantity of indigenous people in order to
“indoctrinate” them. Regardless of how many of them died, the next year he
would receive the same number. Hence, youth and adults were sent into the
mines and never left until they died. Because of this, young indigenous
people committed suicide and mothers killed their children to free them
from torment. This practice diminished following the Tupac Amaru
rebellion.

Agricultural work took place through a feudal system. The Europeans took
the best lands from the community and converted them into latifundios
(huge estates or latifundia). Community inhabitants became serfs on their
own lands. They had to work freely for the feudal lord in exchange for
permission to cultivate a small plot for their own needs.

For many reasons a huge decline in agriculture took place:

    * Canals, terracing, and waru-warus were destroyed because of
ignorance and lack of care.
    * Until this day no planning in terms of watersheds and micro
watersheds has been carried out. Chaos took hold and persists.
    * With the importation of foreign domestic animals to the zone, the
environment deteriorated. The auquenidos (camelid)[5] cut pasture
grass with their teeth, but cows, horses, and sheep uproot it.

The invaders vented their superstitions on our crops. Our agricultural
mentality didn’t suit their cultured ways. So the “exterminators of
idolaters” went after plants like the papa, also known as Santa Padre
(Holy Father). They renamed it patata, the word used in Spain. This passed
into English and other languages as “potato.” They also damned kiwicha or
amaranto (amaranth).The coca plant, which the famous doctor Hipólito
Unanue called the “supertonic of the vegetable kingdom,” is to this day
the target of superstition and excessively harmful prejudice in “refined”
circles.

The invaders pillaged the food stockpiles located across the territory to
cope with times of hunger brought on by climatic irregularities.

Taking their behavior as a whole, we find that European imposition of
hunger and misery — their cultural contribution — was even more deadly
than their massacres and the smallpox they spread among us.

Rebellions and republic

>From the beginning, our people rebelled against the invaders. Numerous
insurrections took place, beginning with Tupac Amaru II’s rebellion. It
spread all the way to Bolivia and lasted even after his cruel torture and
assassination.

Later the so-called Revolución de la Independencía took place. It did not
signify any noticeable change for the indigenous population.

The generals of “independence” were awarded “haciendas” (the new name for
the feudal latifundia), “Indians” and all.

The hacienda system consisted basically of the free labor of the colono
(serf) for the hacienda. There were other aspects to this serfdom.

The colono had to turn over some of his animals that grazed on natural
pastures to the master. He made long treks with pack mules burdened with
hacienda produce. They lasted days and he had to sleep out in the open.
The owner mistreated him physically and morally. He could jail him and
rape the women. The serf’s children did not go to school either because
they had to work, or there were no schools, or the master forbade it.

Our land struggle in the 1960s

The hacienda feudal system lasted until the second half of the last century.

The spread of capitalism to the countryside weakened it in many ways:

* New large-scale mining absorbed labor from the haciendas.
* New mechanized latifundia expelled the serfs and employed an
agricultural proletariat.
* New high-priced crops required more labor time, pressing the hacienda
owner to demand more work from his serfs and to expel them in order to
take over their plots. The serfs, on the other hand, needed more time for
their own labors and resisted the theft of their plots.

We organized ourselves to struggle against the new outrages. Given the
intransigence of the landlords, the struggle became a fight for possession
of the land.

Our defensive action not only set us against the landlords but also
against the government which defended the feudal system.

In over 100 haciendas we refused to work for the landlords. But we
continued to work our own plots. This was in practice an agrarian reform.
The government repressed us with arms and we defended ourselves with arms.
The military government of the day crushed the armed self-defense; but it
took note that it would be impossible to re-implant feudal serfdom. It
opted to pass an agrarian reform law — only in this zone — legalizing
campesino possession of the land. But indigenous campesinos in other zones
of the country rebelled and took over haciendas. This was violently
repressed, but could not be effectively contained. Hence, a subsequent
reformist military government felt obliged to decree an agrarian reform at
the national level.

In this way, we took advantage of capitalism’s weakening of the feudal
system to take over the land. In this same epoch the Brazilian campesino
movement was shattered. Capitalism triumphed there. Its victims are now
struggling courageously in the “Landless Workers’ Movement.”

For this reason Peru is, with the likely exception of Cuba, the country of
the continent with the greatest proportion of landowners, either of
communal or private plots.

Some campesinos from the epoch of struggle for the land feel the
qualitative change. “Now we are free,” they say. They consider that
breaking down feudal servitude also broke them free from the yoke that had
gripped them.

Following the rupture they worked for education, building schools and
paying men and women teachers. Later they fought to get the state to pay
them. They built health centres and fought to get the state to pay for
health services.

They got the vote and elected their own mayors. They fought against mining
pollution. They struggled to assume in a collective manner police and
judicial functions, to replace corrupt cops and judges. They fought
against corrupt authorities of any stripe — and for many other things.

They feel that breaking from feudal servitude freed them to spread wings
and carry the struggle forward.

Current struggles

Most current struggles of indigenous campesinos are against the killing of
Pachamama, Mother Earth; against depredations by the large companies,
mainly mining, but also petroleum and gas. Previous Peruvian governments
were servants of feudal lords; today they serve the great multinationals.
They act against the Peruvian people and against nature.

Living conditions are another cause of struggle. There is more and more
unemployment, and the standard of living is falling. In the countryside
this is due to excessively low prices for farm products. This is linked to
the struggle against the Free Trade Agreement with the United States that
will demolish our agriculture for the benefit of large, subsidized
imperial firms.

The indigenous movement, together with the rest of the Peruvian
population, is fighting against corruption and to get their own
representatives into local governments. People often suffer betrayals
because there is no system for authentic democratic control.

Our allies

The indigenous movement is not alone. Although it is the most vigorous and
persevering, it is not unique. The rest of the people are struggling
together with us.

Intellectuals called indigenistas, whether indigenous or not, merit
special mention. Ever since the oppression of the original peoples of our
continent began there have been individuals who have struggled against it
and to defend our culture.

The work of Father Bartolomé de las Casas is known.

In Peru there were notable political figures like González Prada and
Mariátegui. Writers like Clorinda Matto, Ciro Alegría, José María
Arguedas. Painters like José Sabogal. Musicians like Alomía Robles,
Baltasar Zegarra, Roberto Ojeda, Leandro Alviña, and so on.

The meaning of our struggle We are defending our culture in its diverse
aspects: our cosmic vision, social organization, our rituals and
agricultural know-how, medicine, music, language, and many others.

We do not claim that our culture is superior to others. We are struggling
to stop it from being considered inferior.

We want to be respected as equals.

We have been educated to harmonize equality and diversity. Peru is a
mega-diverse country, both geographically and demographically. We have 82%
of the world’s 103 natural life zones. Our inhabitants speak 45 different
languages. The great Inca Sun God celebration was not exclusive. It had a
procession of different peoples with diverse gods. The notion of “one God”
did not exist. We are for the equality of the diverse; we are against
homogenization (igualitarismo).

On the one hand we respect diverse individualities and particularities. On
the other, we oppose individualism. Ours is a culture of solidarity.

We don’t seek a return to the past. We know we must make the best in
general of advances in human culture.

That does not contradict our resolve to go back to our own roots. Our past
will be vividly present in our future.

We love and care for Pachamama. We fervently yearn to return to basing our
economy on our rich biodiversity, through agriculture and natural
medicine, along with any modern advances that do no harm.

We don’t want our social system to be based on the deep-seated, antisocial
individualism that the invaders brought here. We intend to recover and
strengthen at all levels the vigorous, collectivist solidarity and
fraternity of the ayllu, making use, as well, of universal knowledge that
is not harmful.

We dream that the past 500 years of crushing blows are just a passing
nightmare in the ten thousand years of building our culture.

Reference Notes

[1]. These terms from a collectivist language are not translatable to an
individualist. Ayni means the mutual lending of work, as collective
activity for the benefit of an individual. Faena is collective work for
collective benefit. Mink’a is asking for a service with profuse and warm
urgings.

[2]. There are “signs” that tell indigenous campesinos how climate or
weather conditions may change or how a given crop may fare. Abundant or
poor blossoming of a forest plant, the coloration of snakes, the height of
bird nests, the greater or lesser brilliance of a constellation, etc.

[3]. Waru-waru is the practice of alternating belts of elevated fields and
ditches (or swales); planting is done on the elevated belts. This has the
function of avoiding floods in rainy years. In dry years water held in the
ditches is used for irrigation. Heat absorbed by ditch water during the
day helps to counteract cold nights at frost time.

[4]. [Translator’s Note] A good description of this agricultural
technology can be found at here5 Here is an excerpt from the essay
Environment and Nature in South America: the Central Andes:

    “The local agro-pastoralists constructed raised fields systems or
waru-waru and sunken smaller garden patches or qochas to address these
problems. Construction of raised, ridged fields, with swales or canals
between the ridges, resulted in ridge-top areas above the waterlogged
soils in the rainy season, eliminating rot among the tubers. Both the
qocha system and the intervening canals among the raised fields
trapped rainwater, which was curated through the dry season to provide
a continuing water supply.

    “In addition to managing moisture, these systems also ameliorated
temperature extremes. Thus the raised field patterns, and furrows in
the qochas, were constructed either parallel to, or perpendicular to,
the path of the sun, an orientation which permitted maximum solar
energy capture by the water. This water kept the fields slightly
warmer at night, and often radiated enough heat to prevent frost
damage while the surrounding unmodified grasslands suffered heavy
freezes.”

[5]. Auquenidos (camelid) are animals found in the Andes mountains,
relatives of the camels. They are also called camelidos in Spanish. In
Peru there are four different auquenidos: llamas, alpacas, vicuñas and
guanacos. Llamas and guanacos are beasts of burden, while alpacas and
vicuñas are used for their wool.
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4) CALL-OUT FOR SUBMISSIONS: Justice for Missing and Murdered Indigenous
Women

CALL-OUT FOR SUBMISSIONS: Justice for Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women

*forward to anyone you think may be interested

Missing Justice is a Montreal-based grassroots solidarity collective that
works toward supporting families of Indigenous women who have gone missing
or been murdered in Canada, (but particularly in Quebec). The collective
formed in March 2009 and has done media outreach for families organizing
events to raise awareness about their loved ones, organized a press
conference and popular education events for the broader Montreal
community, and is currently working an a number of other strategies aimed
at pressuring the Canadian government to stop ignoring countless calls for
a public investigation into at least 520 cases of missing and murdered
Indigenous women since 1980. Indigenous activists say the number is much
higher, and likely in the thousands.

For the purpose of better understanding 1) the root causes of violence
against Indigenous women, 2) the intricacies of modern-day systemic
racism, and 3) ways that the public can get involved in the struggle to
put things right and create a safer society for women, Missing Justice is
putting together a comprehensive resource booklet to be printed and
distributed (throughout the province, first and foremost).

The booklet will include Missing Justice's mandate and list of demands, a
fact sheet and action page, as well as profiles of a few unresolved cases
in Quebec, and a couple of investigative articles on any of the following
subjects (which can be narrowed as topics):

--Incarceration of Indigenous women in Canada (and/or Quebec)
--Jurisdictional policing issues (on reserve vs. off; Quebec focus would
be great)

--Discrimination in the Justice System (Canada and/ or Quebec)

--"Native Awareness" police training
DEADLINE: August 28th, 2009

If you or someone you know would like to write an article (approx. 800
words) on one of the above topics, write back ASAP and let us know what
you would like to write about.

For any questions, suggestions, or further information, email us at
justiceformissing at gmail.com or visit our website at missingjustice.mvmnt.ca.
============================================================================

5) Call for Organizers: Indigenous Sovereignty Week

Region: Canada

***post far and wide***
***Sorry for cross posting***

This is a callout for activists and organizers interested in organizing a
week of educational events in their community during the last week of
October. Please let us know if you want to help build Indigenous Sovereignty
Week in your area, and please forward this message to other Indigenous
activists, organizers, and supporters.

Defenders of the Land Organizing Committee

 *General Callout for Organizing Committees for the first annual Indigenous
Sovereignty Week*

Defenders of the Land, a cross-Canada network of First Nations in land
struggle, fighting for Indigenous rights, is issuing a call to like-minded
Indigenous people and groups in communities and cities, as well as
non-Native supporters, to cooperate in organizing a cross-Canada week of
educational events on Indigenous Rights and Indigenous struggles, from
October 25-31, 2009.

We have in mind that this work will reach different audiences: Indigenous
people living in communities, urban Indigenous people, and non-Indigenous
people living in cities and towns.  Events may take place on campuses, in
community centres, in schools, or other locations.

The purpose of this week is to build local relationships between groups and
individuals, disseminate ideas of Indigenism, and generally, contribute to
building a cross-Canada movement for Indigenous rights, self-determination,
and justice that is led by Indigenous communities but with a broad base of
informed support.

There will be a range of events, including speaking events, cultural or arts
events, and ceremony where appropriate. Speakers will include activists and
leaders of struggles, elders, Indigenous intellectuals, and supporters.

Based on the direction of the first gathering of Defenders of the Land in
Winnipeg last year, the following have been highlighted as questions to
bring forward:

*Struggles for Indigenous Rights and Self-Determination*

   - Overview of the history of Indigenous organizing
   - Sharing histories and examples of struggle, successes, and challenges.
   - Hearing from local struggles
   - Current legal frameworks - UNDRIP, Section 35, court rulings; the
   concept of aboriginal title
   - Who bears Indigenous rights? Who determines who is Indigenous?
   - What does/would Indigenous sovereignty look like, practically? What
   would be the relationship to the Canadian state? What are viable models of
   cohabitation?
   - What is solidarity? How to do solidarity work in a good way, learning
   from past successes and mistakes. Hearing from specific experiences.

*Indigenous Knowledge, Culture, and Identity*

   - The importance of the relationship to the land, living on the land.
   - Residential schools and other policies of genocide and their impacts
   - Oral stories and histories
   - The status of Indigenous languages
   - The role of ceremony
   - Documenting and maintaining traditional knowledge

*Indigenous Peoples and the Environment*

   - Environmental racism and environmental justice
   - Impacts of developments on Indigenous peoples and cultures - specific
   examples and campaigns
   - Biodiversity and cultural diversity
   - Traditional understandings of stewardship

*History of Indigenous-Canadian Relations*

   - The period from contact to the historic treaties
   - The history of the treaties and treaty-making
   - History and impact of the Indian Act
   - What's wrong with the poverty and service-dollars approach to
   Indigenous issues - the horizontal framework of cradle-to-grave dependency
   - The government's current agenda: extinguishment of title, replacement
   of collective rights with individual rights, cash payouts, and
assimilation.
   How to name this and resist it.

*Other elements to include, where possible and appropriate*

   - Ceremony
   - Drum + song
   - Community feast with traditional foods
   - Indigenous language programming
   - Arts programming
   - Youth-focused programming

What does "appropriate" mean in this context? Appropriate means if it is
done under the leadership of Indigenous people, for Indigenous people,
involving the participation of mostly Indigenous people.

*If you are interested in organizing an Indigenous Sovereignty Week in your
area*
If you are interested in organizing educational events in your community
during this week, please contact us by email at defendersoftheland at gmail.com.

We will establish a list to cooperate on developing and organizing this
event. Communities can plan their own programs according to their needs and
capacities--the purpose of a joint organizing list is to share resources and
coordinate speakers' itineraries for example. You can find out more about
Defenders of the Land at our website (which will be up soon).
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